scholarly journals Prevalence of colonization by Streptococcus agalactiae among pregnant women in Bukavu, Democratic Republic of the Congo

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (09) ◽  
pp. 1195-1200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kashosi T Mitima ◽  
Steve Ntamako ◽  
Achippe M Birindwa ◽  
Ntakwinja Mukanire ◽  
John M Kivukuto ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Streptococcus Agalactiae ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Treatment Strategies ◽  
Colonization Rate ◽  
Education History ◽  
Positive Serology ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
History Of

Introduction: Maternal vaginal colonization by Streptococcus agalactiae (GBS) has an important impact on neonatal health but has not been studied in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The aim of this study was to determine its frequency and influencing factors. Methodology: Vaginal samples (n = 509) for bacteriological analysis were collected from women in Bukavu, eastern DR Congo, during their third trimester of pregnancy, along with information about age, education and socio-economic status, and medical and obstetric-gynecological history. Results: The overall GBS colonization rate was 20%. Colonization was significantly associated with low education, history of urinary infection during the pregnancy, history of premature childbirth or abortion, and HIV-positive serology, but was not significantly associated with socio-economic level or parity. Conclusions: The GBS colonization rate is similar to that found elsewhere on the continent. Further studies, with follow-up of neonates of infected mothers and evaluation of prevention/treatment strategies, are needed.

Studying National Commemoration and Political Celebrations in Africa: The Online Archive African Independence Days

2020 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. vii-xxviii
Author(s):  
Marie-Christin Gabriel ◽  
Carola Lentz
Keyword(s):  
Burkina Faso ◽  
Comparative Research ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Online Archive ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Many

AbstractThe Department of Anthropology and African Studies (ifeas) at Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz hosts a comprehensive archive on African Independence Day celebrations. Created in 2010, the archive is one of the outcomes of a large comparative research project on African national days directed by Carola Lentz. It offers unique insights into practices of as well as debates on national commemoration and political celebrations in Africa. The archive holds more than 28,000 images, including photographs, newspaper articles, documents, and objects from twelve African countries: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Gabon, Ghana, Madagascar, Mali, Namibia, Nigeria, and Tanzania. It primarily consists of an online photo and newspaper archive (https://bildarchiv.uni-mainz.de/AUJ/; https://www.blogs.uni-mainz.de/fb07-ifeas-eng/departmental-archives/online-archive-african-independence-days/); some of the material is also stored in the physical archive on African Independence Days at ifeas as well as in the department's ethnographic collection (https://www.blogs.uni-mainz.de/fb07-ifeas-eng/ethnographic-collection/). Most of the material concerns recent celebrations, but the collection has been complemented by some documentation of earlier festivities. Archives hold many stories while they also have a story to tell in their own right. This article discusses both aspects. It first traces the history of the Online Archive African Independence Days at ifeas. It then provides an overview of the different categories of material stored in the archive and tells a few of the many stories that the photos, texts and objects contain. We hope to demonstrate that the archive holds a wealth of sources that can be mined for studies on national commemoration and political celebrations in Africa, and, more generally, on practices and processes of nation-building and state-making.

scholarly journals Genetic legacy of state centralization in the Kuba Kingdom of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

2018 ◽  
Vol 116 (2) ◽  
pp. 593-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy van Dorp ◽  
Sara Lowes ◽  
Jonathan L. Weigel ◽  
Naser Ansari-Pour ◽  
Saioa López ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Central Province ◽  
Genome Wide ◽  
Genetic Patterns ◽  
Genetic Impact ◽  
Genome Wide Data ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
History Of ◽  
State Centralization

Few phenomena have had as profound or long-lasting consequences in human history as the emergence of large-scale centralized states in the place of smaller scale and more local societies. This study examines a fundamental, and yet unexplored, consequence of state formation: its genetic legacy. We studied the genetic impact of state centralization during the formation of the eminent precolonial Kuba Kingdom of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in the 17th century. We analyzed genome-wide data from over 690 individuals sampled from 27 different ethnic groups from the Kasai Central Province of the DRC. By comparing genetic patterns in the present-day Kuba, whose ancestors were part of the Kuba Kingdom, with those in neighboring non-Kuba groups, we show that the Kuba today are more genetically diverse and more similar to other groups in the region than expected, consistent with the historical unification of distinct subgroups during state centralization. We also found evidence of genetic mixing dating to the time of the Kingdom at its most prominent. Using this unique dataset, we characterize the genetic history of the Kasai Central Province and describe the historic late wave of migrations into the region that contributed to a Bantu-like ancestry component found across large parts of Africa today. Taken together, we show the power of genetics to evidence events of sociopolitical importance and highlight how DNA can be used to better understand the behaviors of both people and institutions in the past.

scholarly journals Operation “Artemis”: The First Autonomous EU-led Operation

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-132
Author(s):  
János Tomolya
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
European Security ◽  
Republic Of Congo ◽  
Autonomous Operation ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
Operational Constraints ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Eu

In June 2003, the EU launched Operation “Artemis”, its first military mission outside Europe and independent of NATO, to the Democratic Republic of Congo. While it ultimately received an EU badge, its origin, command and control were French. The objective of Operation “Artemis” was to contribute to the stabilisation of the security conditions in Bunia, capital of Ituri, to improve the humanitarian situation, and to ensure the protection of displaced persons in the refugee camps in Bunia. Its mandate was to provide a short-term interim force for three months until the transition to the reinforced United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC – Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en République Démocratique du Congo; English: United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo). Although the EU can be said to have passed the first “test” of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) mechanisms for the conduct of an autonomous operation, this test was a limited one. Operational constraints were caused by inadequate strategic lift capabilities and the lack of a strategic reserve.

scholarly journals A Truly Free State in the Congo: Slavery and Abolition in Global Historical Perspective

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-76
Author(s):  
John Donoghue
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Abolitionist Movement ◽  
Modern Capitalism ◽  
History Of

The differences between slavery now and then are less important than the historical links that bind them, links in an awful chain of bondage that bind the history of the transatlantic slave trade from Africa to the resurgence of slavery in Africa today. As this article illustrates, nowhere is this truer, both in historical and contemporary terms, than in the Congo. The links binding the Congo to the history of human bondage were first forged in the crucible of early modern capitalism and they have been made fast by the proliferation of “free market reform” today, which despite the fundamentalist cant of its advocates, has hardly proven to be a force of human liberation; instead, placing the last 500 years of the Congo region in global context, we can see how capitalism has proven to be the world’s greatest purveyor of human bondage. The article concludes with an argument that the reconstruction of civil society in the Democratic Republic of Congo after decades of war, dictatorship, and neo-colonial rule depends crucially on the continued success of an already impressive Congolese abolitionist movement. Without making an end to slavery, once and for all, civil society can hardly prosper in a country where slavery has historically brought about its destruction.

scholarly journals The Kilwa Massacre: Critical Analysis for a Southern Criminology

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Kim Lah ◽  
Anthony Collins
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Structural Violence ◽  
Colonial Power ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Criminal Violence ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
History Of ◽  
International Systems

This paper explores the 2004 Kilwa massacre in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) through a decolonial perspective, explaining how the massacre is situated within the history of colonial power and global capitalist relations. As such, the convergence of mining and political interests that created the context in which this violence was possible is examined, rather than the specific human rights abuses committed during the massacre. This approach highlights how such acts of violence are an ongoing factor of colonial and postcolonial exploitation, as well as the difficulties in holding the responsible parties accountable. This investigation shows the importance of developing a decolonial Southern criminology that contextualizes human rights abuses within local and international systems of power and locates acts of criminal violence within the broader networks of structural violence.

scholarly journals Who is Responsible for Instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo?

2014 ◽  
pp. 29-36
Author(s):  
G. M. Sidorova
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Raw Material ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Republic Of The Congo

The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries - Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.

scholarly journals Reported History of Measles and Long-term Impact on Antibody to Tetanus in Children 6–59 Months of Age Receiving DTP in the Democratic Republic of Congo

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (suppl_1) ◽  
pp. S323-S323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hayley Ashbaugh ◽  
James D Cherry ◽  
Sue Gerber ◽  
Stephen G Higgins ◽  
Adva Gadoth ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Past History ◽  
Positive Control ◽  
P Value ◽  
Republic Of Congo ◽  
History Of ◽  
Long Term Impact ◽  
Induced Immunity

Abstract Background Recent studies suggest a measles-induced immune amnesia that could have long-term immunosuppressive effects via preferential depletion of memory B and T CD150+ lymphocytes. Methods We examined the association between past measles and tetanus antibody levels among children participating in the 2013–2014 Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) Demographic and Health Survey (DHS). Our sample consisted of 833 children aged 6–59 months whose mothers were selected for interview. Mothers reported (via recall) history of measles within the lifetime of the child. Classification of children who previously had measles was completed using maternal recall and measles immunoglobulin G (IgG) serostatus obtained via dried blood spot (DBS) analysis. A multiplex chemiluminescent immunoassay platform was used to obtain serologic results and Assay Score (AS) was calculated as a ratio to a positive control included in each run. Tetanus serostatus was categorized as being above or below the sample median serology AS value. Tetanus vaccination status was obtained via dated vaccination card and limited to children receiving the complete 3-dose vaccination series. Results The median AS for tetanus serology among the entire sample of 833 children was 0.085, while children with history of measles had a median AS of 0.053 (N = 41) and children with no history of measles had a median AS of 0.088 (N = 792), chi-square P-value < 0.05. A random intercept logistic regression model was used to examine the association between previous measles disease and odds of having below median levels of tetanus antibody. Controlling for potential confounding variables, the odds of a child with past history of measles having less than the median level of tetanus antibody was 3.86 (95% CI: 1.70, 8.78) among children fully vaccinated for tetanus. Conclusion The results suggest that, among children 6–59 months in DRC, measles may have a long-term impact on levels of pre-existing, vaccine-induced immunity to tetanus. These findings suggest the need for laboratory studies examining measles’ impact on pre-existing, vaccine-induced immunity and underscore the need for continued evaluation and improvement of DRC’s measles vaccination program. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.

Successes and Failures in Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of Congo

2019 ◽  
pp. 132-168
Author(s):  
Lisa Hultman ◽  
Jacob D. Kathman ◽  
Megan Shannon
Keyword(s):  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Relative Effectiveness ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Violence Reduction ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

This chapter explores two conflicts and their related UN missions: Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC and MONUSCO). The chapter conducts qualitative analyses of these missions to explore the effect peacekeeping capacity and constitution on civil war violence, noting the UN’s ability to engage in mechanisms of violence reduction. The conflicts are not two cases of obvious peacekeeping success, and there are clear instances of failure in both UN efforts. However, in many situations, the missions were more effective when capacity and constitution improved, indicating that relative effectiveness increases as UN missions are sufficiently outfitted. The chapter complements the quantitative analyses by highlighting the limits of the theory and the challenges to peacekeeping missions in the midst of war.

III. Case Concerning the Arrest Warrant of April 00 (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Belgium)

2001 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 670-675
Author(s):  
Malcolm D. Evans ◽  
Chanaka Wickremasinghe
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
International Crimes ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Geneva Conventions ◽  
Republic Of The Congo ◽  
Sensitive Issues

An initiating Application filed by the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) against Belgium on 17 October 20001 potentially raises similar issues to those raised by the Pinochet case,2 namely the scope of “universal” jurisdiction in relation to serious international crimes against individuals (in this case “grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1977 Protocols thereto and crimes against humanity”) and the question of immunity where State officials (in this case a Foreign Minister) are accused thereof. As such it may represent an opportunity for the Court to give an authoritative ruling on these highly controversial and sensitive issues of international law, which seem to be raised with increasingly regularity before national courts. However for now such a ruling is a matter for the future, as on 8 December 2000 the Court dismissed the DRC application for provisional measures, and thus made no comment on the substantive issues of the case. Instead it found that certain intervening factual developments had removed from the application for provisional measures the requisite elements of irreparable prejudice to the rights of the applicant and urgency, thus obviating any need for an Order to be made at this stage.

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