scholarly journals Demographic transition and “demographic security” in post-Soviet countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Alexandre Sidorenko

The review-and-analytical article deals with the interrelation between demographic transition and national security. The focus is on the countries of the former Soviet Union. It proves that along with two traditional approaches of population policy, i.e. prevention and overcoming of negative consequences of demographic transition, measures of adjustment to demographic change are acquiring increasing importance.

Author(s):  
Наталья Борисовна Бааль

В статье рассматривается феномен экстремизма на территории постсоветского пространства, а также социально-психологический облик группы людей, склонной к проявлению элементов экстремального поведения. The article examines the phenomenon of extremism on the territory of the former Soviet Union, as well as the socio-psychological appearance of a group of people who are prone to displaying elements of extreme behavior.


Author(s):  
Orest Krasivskyy

The purpose of the article is to examine the Russian threat to Ukraine’s state sovereignty and its impact on Poland’s national security; to underline that Russia intends to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the USA and EU, and to establish control in the territory of the Eurasian continent. The research hypothesis is that the main purpose of Russia’s foreign policy is the reconstruction of a neo-imperial state, Ukraine’s reintegration into the post-Soviet space, and ensuring Russia’s domination in the region. The research task was completed using the research methods of a detailed study of sources and literature and a critical analysis of the information available to the author. Conclusions: Russia is trying to take revenge for its defeat in the Cold War, to regain control over the former Soviet Union republics, to defeat the West, and to establish control over the Eurasian continent. Russia considers Ukraine and Poland as dangerous agents of Atlanticism. That is why the Russian Eurasian geopolitical project aims for the Ukrainian and Polish states to be neutralized in a radical way. To this end, Russia has started a “hybrid war” against Ukraine. Poland and the Baltic countries will be the next targets of Russian aggression. It is profitable for Russian neo-imperialism to destroy trust and the strategic partnership between Poland and Ukraine, and to act in accordance with the divide-and-conquer algorithm. In such circumstances, Ukraine and Poland need to work out a new “Doctrine of restraining Russia’s aggression,” to pursue gradual and coordinated policy for the sake of the victory over Russian neo-imperialism and the dismantlement of the Russian imperial social system. The article describes the peculiarities of the modernization of the Russian imperial system at the present stage, analyzes the content of the Russian neo-imperialistic policy against Ukraine, Poland and the West, the reasons for the failure of Ukraine to neutralize Russian expansion, and also shows possible geopolitical consequences for the national security of Poland in the event of the successful implementation of Russia’s geopolitical strategy.


Author(s):  
Denis V. Schelokov ◽  

The collapse of the Soviet Union had numerous consequences for all its constituent republics. The analysis of these elements of social reality is implemented in the context of the institutional component. These were both constructive and destructive. These consist in the transformation of existing, both official and unofficial, laws and norms of interaction in the direction of utilitarianism. But if in Russia this was done through a total rejection of such elements of social existence, then Belarus tried to combine aspects of the organization of social life under socialism with the new conditions of capitalist reality. The unique results obtained in each society had their own positive and negative consequences. They affected all spheres of public life. Each of the subjects of such a Union reacted differently to the new conditions. Similar processes in Belarusian and Russian societies are of considerable interest in the context of analysis of transformational mechanisms of public administration. This is possible because of the territorial location of these States, as well as the cultural and historical similarity of their peoples. Transformations of previously existing management models, in accordance with the new conditions, are presented as a specific response of each social system to the challenges of the external environment. The most significant of them are functional utility in specific historical conditions, as well as proximity to the norms and values of the corresponding society. Then presented results of the analysis of the mechanism of formation of new internal conditions will allow, in the author’s opinion, in the future to implement a more extensive analysis of the processes occurring in the countries of the former Soviet Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 43-47
Author(s):  
Natalya B. Baal ◽  

The article reviews the extremism phenomenon in the countries of the former Soviet Union and the social and psychological image of a group of people prone to manifestation of elements of extremist behavior.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 50-55
Author(s):  
S.R. Kornieieva

This article is devoted to the analysis of approaches to the legal regulation of artificial intelligence. At present time, issues of regulation of artificial intelligence and its impact on the exercise and protection of human rights are being at the stage of active development in the studies of scholars, mainly from European countries, and are less covered in scientific studies of scholars in Ukraine and other countries of the former Soviet Union. Given the trends of rapid development of artificial intelligence technologies, it can be presumed, that in the nearest future this topic will become the focus of many scholars in jurisprudence. In order to determine the place of artificial intelligence technologies in the legal system, it was conducted a general analysis of approaches to the legal regulation of this technology.      The analysis provides the review of the structure of legal regulation on the example of scientific developments and conclusions of the Council of Europe, as well as provides alternative approaches to definition of the subject-object nature of the concept of "artificial intelligence". Some scholars suggest legal regulation of "artificial intelligence" as an object of legal relations which is fully made and controlled by human. Other scholars suggest that "artificial intelligence" should be given subjective legal capacity, considering it as an autonomous and capable of taking responsibility for its own actions. The article provides the analysis the basis and possible consequences of the implementation of these two approaches in legal systems. The article also covers the rights and responsibilities of developers, owners and people who use artificial intelligence. The article partially covers the hybrid model of legal relations, in which part of public relations is exercised without human being.      It also defines the positive and negative consequences of the application of the approaches proposed by scholars.      The author emphasizes the low amount of studies concerning legal approaches and the lack of unified approach that could be applied in practice.


2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-195
Author(s):  
JONATHAN D. MORENO

On September 4, 2001, press reports indicated that the Defense Intelligence Agency of the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) planned to reproduce a strain of anthrax virus suspected of being held in Russian laboratories. According to the same reports, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), under the auspices of Project Clear Vision, is engaged in building replicas of bomblets believed to have been developed by the former Soviet Union. These small bombs were designed to disperse biological agents, including anthrax. Government attorneys were said to be confident that, because these projects were designed to develop defensive measures, they were not in violation of the 1972 Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention.


Author(s):  
Oyuntsetseg Densmaa ◽  
◽  
Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa ◽  
Norovsuren Nanzad ◽  
Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar ◽  
...  

Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nazim Habibov ◽  
Elvin Afandi ◽  
Alex Cheung

This paper empirically tests several hypotheses about the nexus of corruption-institutional trust in Post-Soviet transitional countries of the former Soviet Union and Mongolia. We use two different indices of institutional trust to check the robustness of our analysis and estimate OLS and instrumental variable models with and without interaction terms. All things considered, our findings reject “greases the wheels” and “trust begets an honest political system” hypotheses. Instead, our findings support the “sand the wheels” hypothesis. Furthermore, a multiplicative interaction model suggests that the negative marginal effects of experienced corruption are higher in the environments where satisfaction with services is low. In addition, we found that increases in corruption erode trust at all levels of the societal institutions including political parties, government and financial institutions, international investors, non-profit organizations, and trade unions. This finding is important since it highlights the negative consequences of corruption on the development of broader level economic institutions and on civil society.


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