scholarly journals Diversity and Conflict

Econometrica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 727-797 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cemal Eren Arbatli ◽  
Quamrul H. Ashraf ◽  
Oded Galor ◽  
Marc Klemp

This research advances the hypothesis and establishes empirically that interpersonal population diversity, rather than fractionalization or polarization across ethnic groups, has been pivotal to the emergence, prevalence, recurrence, and severity of intrasocietal conflicts. Exploiting an exogenous source of variations in population diversity across nations and ethnic groups, as determined predominantly during the exodus of humans from Africa tens of thousands of years ago, the study demonstrates that population diversity, and its impact on the degree of diversity within ethnic groups, has contributed significantly to the risk and intensity of historical and contemporary civil conflicts. The findings arguably reflect the contribution of population diversity to the non‐cohesiveness of society, as reflected partly in the prevalence of mistrust, the divergence in preferences for public goods and redistributive policies, and the degree of fractionalization and polarization across ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups.


1969 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-17
Author(s):  
Nicholas John Russo

Renewed awareness in ethnic groups as well identified, persisting and active participants in the political and social life of American society imposes a new task on the social scientists to define better and more cogently measure the implications of pluralism and integration. This article by Russo—presenting the findings of his doctoral dissertation: The Religious Acculturation of the Italians in New York City—evidences the fast disappearance of the cultural identity of an immigrant group in relation to their rural religious tradition and behavior. At the same time, it notes the survival of social identity. In the light of this evidence, we can ask ourselves if ethnic religious institutions might have led the immigrants to religious forms more in keeping with their new environment and how the acculturation described should be evaluated. Above all, we are forced to search for those variables which maintain the ethnic groups’ identity even in the third generation. In this way, the process of the inclusion into American society of different ethnic and religious groups may reveal some clues for the more complex test of inclusion of different racial groups.



2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (SPE3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amir Hossein Monazzami ◽  
Behnam Naghi-Pour Givi

Iran is a country with different ethnicities and religions and some negative experiences of conflicts throughout history. It is believed that; Sports success is a factor in the greater convergence of a country's citizens. This article analyzes the ethnic differences of Iranian sports fans in Islamic cohesion, national identity, and perception of sports success. The research was a descriptive survey. The statistical population was all Iranians interested in national sports, 968 of whom participated in the study voluntarily. The research instruments were the researcher-made questionnaire of Perception of Sports Success, the National Identity Questionnaire of Hear and James (2007), and the Islamic Cohesion Questionnaire of Baghbanian and Morowat (2011). The content and face validity of the questionnaires were confirmed by the professors and their reliability was calculated with Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.78, 0.88, and 0.83, respectively. The test of hypotheses showed that; the variables of Islamic cohesion and national identity have a statistically significant difference between Shiite and Sunni respondents (P <0.05). The variables of Islamic cohesion and national identity also had a statistically significant difference between the respondents of ethnic groups (P <0.05) while there was no statistically significant difference in the perception of sporting success between the respondents of different ethnic groups and religious groups (P <0.05). The findings of the study emphasized the positive functions of sports success in the convergence of more religious and ethnic groups in the country.



2013 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-286
Author(s):  
Evyatar Marienberg

Many religious traditions attempt to regulate the sexual practices of their members. Generally, their main tool for doing so is prescribing with whom one may or may not have intimate relations. Forbidden partners might include, for example, members of the same sex, relatives, or people of other religious and ethnic groups. Additional methods for defining how and when intimate relations are permissible are also not unheard of. For example, sexual relations using certain positions or occurring on certain days or hours or in certain places might be declared sinful. The three main Bible-related religious traditions, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, all have in their toolboxes these various regulatory instruments; many other religious groups use them as well.



2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Ikechukwu Ezeogamba

Eph. 4:31-32 urges believers to, "Put away all bitterness and wrath and anger and wrangling and slander, together with all malice, and be kind to one another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, as God in Christ has forgiven us." The above is strongly worded. A cursory look at the Nigerian nation reveals that Nigeria as a nation is sectionalized along ethnic, religious as well as gender line. Apart from the three main dominant ethnic groups in Nigeria, there are still very many ethnic groups that are not even recognized and they feel marginalized and out of the equation. There is unwritten and unexpressed anger that exists among all the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria; each claiming to have been marginalized by others. Again, there are three main religious groups in Nigeria namely, Islam, Christianity and African Traditional Religion. Among these three dominant groups, there is deep-rooted antagonism. Hence, each of these religious groups is internally divided. There are so many sects in Islam and in most cases they are at each other's throat. In the same way, there are several denominations or sects in Christianity and each of the sets claim to be with the authentic doctrine to the neglect and detriment of others. African Traditional Religion on her part is localized in each region and each region claims that theirs is more authentic and more godly than of others. The worst hatred is between the so-called infidels and Muslim believers. Any nation that has the above qualities, has unknowingly taken underdevelopment, and godlessness as her second name. This paper sets out to prove that if there is mutual love among all the ethnic groups in Nigeria, among religious groups both ad extra and within, then godliness will prevail everywhere and Nigeria as a nation will be better for it. This paper argues that a proper understanding and appreciation of Eph. 4:31-32 by Christians and none Christians alike will emit so many green lights that could promote nation building and oneness. Significantly, this paper will be of immense benefit to all men and women of good will both in Nigeria and outside Nigeria.



2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naveen Bharathi ◽  
Deepak Malghan ◽  
Sumit Mishra ◽  
Andaleeb Rahman

We develop a general multi-scale diversity framework to account for spatial segregation of ethnic groups in politically %and administratively nested geographic aggregations. Our framework explains why the celebrated ``diversity-debit hypothesis'' in political economy of public goods is sensitive to spatial unit of analysis, and how not accounting for segregation biases empirical diversity-development models. We test our framework using census data from Indian villages ($n \approx 600,000$) and sub-districts containing these villages ($n \approx 6,000$), for twenty-five different public goods.



2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-253
Author(s):  
Soham Das

As majoritarian electoral politics and religious conservatism are rising in the major multi-ethnic South Asian countries, such as India and Pakistan, the events of mob lynching, ethnic clashes and targeting non-plural and minority communities are becoming more frequent. This article analyses which cleavages of marginalisation make some ethnic groups prone to violent social movements vis-a-vis others. Theoretically, through social constructivism and horizontal inequality, the study argues that socioeconomic condition, religion and language are the three broad cleavages that influence political behaviour of ethnic groups. Explicating the theory about underlying versus facilitating conditions of ethnic–civil conflicts, this article examines the prerequisites of ethnic conflicts. Thereafter, it evaluates which single cleavages and combinations of the aforementioned cleavages increase the probability of conflict occurrence in the Indian subcontinent. The argument is empirically evaluated on a sample of 60 ethnic groups of the Indian subcontinents over the period of 1947–2013. We find that groups affected by reinforcing cleavages of religious and economic marginalisation, and religious, economic and lingual marginalisation have engaged in active violence over the period of our study. Additionally, the reinforcing cleavages of language and economy, and language and religion are associated with sporadic violence. Apart from the combined effects, we find that the ethnic groups facing economic disadvantage alone can also engage in violence.



Author(s):  
Vitalii Brynov

The article shows the nature of conflicts between social groups in society according to the position of Reinhold Niebuhr’s Christian realism. The nature of conflicts between religious groups, ethnic groups and economic classes is described. Religious-authoritarian, religious-tolerant and secular approaches to religious conflicts are considered.



2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 528-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Solveig Hillesund

Do different types of inequality spur violence with different targets? This article explores whom violent movements choose to target when they take to arms, by comparing civil conflicts, which target the state, to communal conflicts, which target other ethnic groups. Different types of ethnic group disadvantage relate to conflict through different mechanisms. Political exclusion is expected to promote the choice to target the central government rather than other ethnic groups, while economic disadvantages should increase the risk of both civil and communal conflicts. The different expectations stem from two important differences between political and economic horizontal inequalities: only the government has the authority to change the political distribution, while there can be many avenues to economic redistribution; and blame is more straightforwardly assigned to the government for political than for economic disadvantages. Statistical analysis of 155 politically relevant ethnic groups in Africa (1991–2009) provides support for both propositions.



2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 249-266
Author(s):  
Diana Mazepa

The political situation of Turks in the Republic of Macedonia and Turkish-Macedonian relations The Republic of North Macedonia is a small country on the Balkan Peninsula, which is characterized by the accumulation of many national and ethnic and religious groups in a small area (25 713 km2) – among them are Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Roma, Vlachs, Serbs or Bosnians, as well as other smaller nationalities and ethnic groups. This article aims to present the origins of the Turks in Northern Macedonia, and at the same time to indicate the reasons for emigration from these areas and to present political parties and organizations representing the interests of Turks and their most important activities for the benefit of this minority. The article also analyze Turkish-Macedonian relations ranging from the proclamation of Macedonian independence to the accession of the Republic of Northern Macedonia to the structures of the NATO in 2020.



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