Higher Public Officials on Direct Citizen Participation in Turkey

2022 ◽  
pp. 1307-1329
Author(s):  
Ayşegül Saylam ◽  
Naci Karkın ◽  
Belgin Uçar Kocaoğlu

Governments are expected to introduce public policies to empower citizens to engage in government business for various reasons including trust building. This chapter presents enablers/barriers before direct citizen participation (DCP) in Turkey by employing interviews conducted with higher public administrators at the ministerial level. The results reveal that DCP is mostly used for informing and consultation purposes rather than fostering a citizen deliberation. The main barriers before DCP are found as centralized bureaucratic structure, lack of administrators' awareness for DCP, and a lack of participation culture. The authors argue that DCP could be fostered where public officials are curious rather than institutionalized.

Author(s):  
Ayşegül Saylam ◽  
Naci Karkın ◽  
Belgin Uçar Kocaoğlu

Governments are expected to introduce public policies to empower citizens to engage in government business for various reasons including trust building. This chapter presents enablers/barriers before direct citizen participation (DCP) in Turkey by employing interviews conducted with higher public administrators at the ministerial level. The results reveal that DCP is mostly used for informing and consultation purposes rather than fostering a citizen deliberation. The main barriers before DCP are found as centralized bureaucratic structure, lack of administrators' awareness for DCP, and a lack of participation culture. The authors argue that DCP could be fostered where public officials are curious rather than institutionalized.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joachim Åström

Based on the critical stance of citizens towards urban planning, growing attention has been directed towards new forms of citizen participation. A key expectation is that advanced digital technologies will reconnect citizens and decision makers and enhance trust in planning. However, empirical evidence suggests participation by itself does not foster trust, and many scholars refer to a general weakness of these initiatives to deliver the expected outcomes. Considering that trust is reciprocal, this article will switch focus and concentrate on planners’ attitudes towards citizens. Do urban planners generally think that citizens are trustworthy? Even though studies show that public officials are more trusting than people in general, it is possible that they do not trust citizens when interacting with government. However, empirical evidence is scarce. While there is plenty of research on citizens’ trust in government, public officials trust in citizens has received little scholarly attention. To address this gap, we will draw on a survey targeted to a representative sample of public managers in Swedish local government (N = 1430). First, urban planners will be compared with other public officials when it comes to their level of trust toward citizens’ ability, integrity and benevolence. In order to understand variations in trust, a set of institutional factors will thereafter be tested, along with more commonly used individual factors. In light of the empirical findings, the final section of the article returns to the idea of e-participation as a trust-building strategy. What would make planners trust the citizens in participatory urban planning?


Author(s):  
Chan-Gon Kim ◽  
Marc Holzer

The Internet provides a new digital opportunity for realizing democracy in public administration, and this study raises a central question: What factors determine public officials’ acceptance of the practice of digital democracy on government Web sites? We focused on online policy forums among many practices of digital democracy. To gauge public officials’ behavioral intentions to use online policy forums on government Web sites, we examined individual and organizational factors, as well as system characteristics. We administered a survey questionnaire to Korean public officials and analyzed a total of 895 responses. Path analysis indicates that three causal variables are important in predicting public officials’ intentions to use online policy forums: perceived usefulness, attitudes toward citizen participation, and information quality. We discuss implications of this study for practices and theories of digital democracy.


2011 ◽  
pp. 3150-3172
Author(s):  
Chan-Gon Kim ◽  
Marc Holzer

The Internet provides a new digital opportunity for realizing democracy in public administration, and this study raises a central question: What factors determine public officials’ acceptance of the practice of digital democracy on government Web sites? We focused on online policy forums among many practices of digital democracy. To gauge public officials’ behavioral intentions to use online policy forums on government Web sites, we examined individual and organizational factors, as well as system characteristics. We administered a survey questionnaire to Korean public officials and analyzed a total of 895 responses. Path analysis indicates that three causal variables are important in predicting public officials’ intentions to use online policy forums: perceived usefulness, attitudes toward citizen participation, and information quality. We discuss implications of this study for practices and theories of digital democracy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. e10194
Author(s):  
Camila Andrea Herrera-Melo ◽  
Juan Sebastián González Sanabria

The provision of portals that serve as a source of access and availability of public domain data is part of the adoption of public policies that some government entities have implemented in response to the establishment of an open, transparent, multidirectional, collaborative and focused on citizen participation government, both in monitoring and in making public decisions. However, the publication of this data must meet certain characteristics to be considered open and of quality. For this reason, studies arise that focus on the approach of methodologies and indicators that measure the quality of the portals and their data. For the aim of this paper, the search of referential sources of the last six years regarding the evaluation of data quality and open data portals in Spain, Brazil, Costa Rica, Taiwan and the European Union was carried out with the objective of gathering the necessary inputs for the approach of the methodology presented in the document.


2022 ◽  
pp. 86-105
Author(s):  
Marie Bohata ◽  
Anna Putnova ◽  
Martina Rasticova ◽  
Andrea Cebakova

The purpose of the contribution is to present a newly designed training programme for public administrators in ethics and integrity. The programme was developed based on a broad empirical research among public administrators at the central and local levels of public administration aiming at identification of core values, major ethical issues, attitudes, and ethics instruments in place on the one hand and the training needs of civil servants and other public administrators on the other hand. Attention was paid to differences among rank-and-file administrators and managers and to differences between men and women where relevant.


2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 699-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam B. Becker ◽  
Barbara A. Israel ◽  
Amy J. Schulz ◽  
Edith A. Parker ◽  
Laura Klem

Efforts to enhance empowerment toward the aim of improved health require an understanding of factors that contribute to perceived control at multiple levels, as a dimension of empowerment. In this article, the authors examine hypothesized predictors of perceived control at multiple levels among urban, African American women. Variables that predict perceived control include greater participation in change-related action; level of activity within respondents’ most important organizations; and attempts made by those organizations to influence public officials, businesses, and other groups. Results suggest that (1) perceived control is a context-specific, multilevel construct; (2) citizen participation is an important factor in control and influence at multiple levels; and (3) organizations that are involved within neighborhoods and in the broader community can help to increase control and influence at multiple levels in marginalized communities. Implications for health education practice and research are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 110-148
Author(s):  
Vania Siciliano Aieta ◽  
Ricardo Lodi

This article aims to demonstrate that public policies involving the economy follow, in their process of formulation, implementation and especially results, different paths than those for the exercise of political power.This involves a question of decisions. The decisions of public officials and even of judges are not aseptic, but instead ideological.Economic crises and political disaffections over these choices cannot serve as justifications for removing that leader, elected by popular vote, especially when the “rules of the political game”, have all been respected.When democracy is threatened by such incidents, motivated by an economic downturn, notably in supposed exceptions that in reality flaunt the constitutional and legal order, we are faced with a serious injury to sovereignty in the internal plane, perhaps even a coup d’état.This article will analyze the question of the motion to impeach Brazil’s president, demonstrating there is no legal support because she has not committed any act of malfeasance in office. And we conclude that in name of seeking more successful economic results, to serve political demands that are most of the time instigated by ideological passions, a society cannot ride roughshod over fundamental rights assured by the Constitution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 110-148
Author(s):  
Vania Siciliano Aieta ◽  
Ricardo Lodi

This article aims to demonstrate that public policies involving the economy follow, in their process of formulation, implementation and especially results, different paths than those for the exercise of political power.This involves a question of decisions. The decisions of public officials and even of judges are not aseptic, but instead ideological.Economic crises and political disaffections over these choices cannot serve as justifications for removing that leader, elected by popular vote, especially when the “rules of the political game”, have all been respected.When democracy is threatened by such incidents, motivated by an economic downturn, notably in supposed exceptions that in reality flaunt the constitutional and legal order, we are faced with a serious injury to sovereignty in the internal plane, perhaps even a coup d’état.This article will analyze the question of the motion to impeach Brazil’s president, demonstrating there is no legal support because she has not committed any act of malfeasance in office. And we conclude that in name of seeking more successful economic results, to serve political demands that are most of the time instigated by ideological passions, a society cannot ride roughshod over fundamental rights assured by the Constitution.


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