Setting the context: young people, housing and social policy

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Fred Powell

This chapter examines the efforts of the new Irish Free State to construct a socially integrated culture. This would be shaped into a socially conservative communitarian form inspired by Catholic corporatism, cultural nationalism, and rejection of modernity. Young people were targeted in the post-revolutionary climate of social and cultural conservatism. The education system was used to promote cultural segregation. Censorship and women's subordination dominated the cultural landscape, with reproductive rights and divorce suppressed in an increasingly patriarchal traditional society. The 1937 Constitution enshrined the new social policy principles in the basic law of the country. In the end, the state bureaucracy proved resistant to openly changing Irish governance.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Giedrė Kvieskienė ◽  
Ilze Ivanova ◽  
Karmen Trasberg ◽  
Viktorija Stasytytė ◽  
Eglė Celiešienė

NEET (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) youth rates in Europe are generally higher in rural regions than in urban areas and the share in rural regions is constantly increasing. During the COVID-19 pandemic, young people became even more vulnerable as they experienced social exclusion and mental health problems. The objective of this paper is to analyse NEET youth-related statistics in Europe and distinguish positive initiatives for young people in rural areas of the Baltic countries to encourage positive emotions and willingness to learn. Statistical analysis and case study methods were employed. Data on youth unemployment, NEET youth by age and gender, and poverty and social exclusion of young people, is analysed. Social policy initiatives in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, mainly from rural municipalities, are presented and discussed. This research determines the key issues related to NEET youth and proposes initiatives to overcome existing problems among young people. Such social initiatives aim to promote positive social emotions of youth, promote their inclusion in society, and foster regional sustainability.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-477
Author(s):  
Line Nyhagen Predelli ◽  
Alan France ◽  
Chris Dearden

The focus of this themed section is on identifying gaps in anti-poverty policy towards children and young people. The idea to address this question originated at the conference ‘A Fairer Society? A Review of Policies for Vulnerable Groups’ organised by the Centre for Research in Social Policy (CRSP) at Loughborough University in September 2006. The section offers a combination of papers from the conference (Bradshaw and Richardson; Smith; Sutton) and papers commissioned specifically to deal with gaps in anti-poverty policy towards children and young people (Lloyd; France; Phung). An overview of some useful sources has also been included (Davis and Sandu).


1981 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-160
Author(s):  
Adrian L. James

ABSTRACTThe philosophy and the policies for dealing with both juvenile and adult offenders in England and Wales have undergone a marked change in the last decade with the introduction of both the Children and Young Persons Act, 1969, and the Criminal Justice Act, 1972. The spirit behind the policies embodied in the first of these was intended to move juvenile offenders even further towards the provisions for children and young people in general and away from identification with adult offenders and the criminal process. In spite of this, many similarities remain between the two major innovations which emerged from these two pieces of legislation, which were intermediate treatment and community service. In terms of implementing these policies, however, wide differences have emerged in the speed, ease, and uniformity with which the different provisions have been introduced. Intermediate treatment, after a long struggle, is only just beginning to establish itself as a practical provision for juveniles whilst community service, introduced some years later, has now been fully implemented. This difference raises fundamental issues related to the implementation of certain areas of social policy. Although the failure of the 1969 Act to achieve the impact envisaged by its proponents has been attributed to its being only partially implemented and to lack of finance, amongst other things, comparison with the relatively successful introduction of community service suggests that there may also be important administrative factors underlying this failure which have been hitherto ignored.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 50-57
Author(s):  
Peter Stanley

Emerging adulthood has been identified by Arnett (2000) as a new developmental stage that comprises 18-25 years. This period of the life span has characteristic and significant personal challenges, and it also contains New Zealand’s highest proportion of problem behaviours such as hazardous drinking, dangerous driving, loneliness and mental illness. Research on 18-25 year-olds who have overcome difficult upbringings can provide insights on how to respond to other young people whose development is compromised. As a society, it is recommended that we pay more attention to the particular circumstances of emerging adults and that we allocate more social service resources to the members of this age group who are experiencing difficulties. Emerging adulthood, newly identified as a distinct phase of human development, must be an area of key interest for social policy analysts, social work practitioners and social service managers. This phase falls between the ages of 18 and 25 years and between adolescence and young adulthood. Like the categorisation of adolescence before it, emerging adulthood has come about as a consequence of economic progress and increased life expectancy, and it is a regular part of post-industrial societies such as our own (Arnett, 2004). On a simple and evidential level, this new division of the lifespan may explain why young people do not seem to settle down and marry like they used to. In fact, emerging adulthood is associ- ated with an array of defining attributes and included here is a general sense of enhanced wellbeing for the young people themselves. This period is of particular relevance to hu- man service professionals, nonetheless, because it also contains our highest proportion of troubled young people, and since it presents some unique opportunities for intervening in people’s lives in beneficial ways. 


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Mendes

The tabloid print media has played a crucial role in recent Australian social policy debates, particularly those pertaining to drug use and child and adolescent welfare. Much of the media's contribution has been around promoting simplistic and often conservative solutions to complex social problems.This article examines the recent media-inspired furore over so-called ‘safe-sniffing’ practices in a Victorian welfare agency. It is acknowledged that other forms of media such as talk back radio may have had influential roles, as might other factors also. Particular attention, however, is drawn here to the Herald Sun's role in this affair, and to similarities with its intervention in earlier policy debates. Some comparisons are also drawn with the coverage of the affair by the Age and the Australian.It is argued that the Herald Sun's specific campaign on chroming reflects a broader conservative agenda to undermine progressive social policy interventions including harm minimisation. This agenda may have significant implications for the Victorian community welfare sector given the tendency of politicians – whether in government or opposition – to bow to the demands of the tabloid media.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147737082095268
Author(s):  
Sara Thunberg ◽  
Diana Willems ◽  
Annemarie Schmoll ◽  
Annalena Yngborn

Sweden and Germany are often compared, which suggests that much can be learned from each country. One aspect that needs further investigation concerns support for young victims of crime. The study therefore compares the Swedish and German welfare systems’ handling of young victims who need support after victimization, to see what can be learned from each respective country. The comparisons make it clear that both countries’ support systems developed out of similar social movements in the 1970s. However, there are differences between the two welfare states’ approaches to supporting young people. The reasons for the similarities and differences are discussed, along with practical implications for social policy.


Author(s):  
Carl Purcell

This chapter discusses the implementation of Labour’s ‘Change for Children’ programme following the passage of the Children Act 2004 during Blair’s final years as Prime Minister. Under the new structural arrangements every English local authority was required to merge education and children’s social care services to create a single children’s services department under the leadership of a Director of Children’s Services. However, it is argued that tensions between No 10 and the Treasury over social policy and public service reform in this period served to constrain the implementation of the new arrangements. Firstly, Blair’s prioritisation of greater school autonomy pulled against the focus on the integration of children’s services and accountability to children’s services and children’s trusts. Secondly, Blair’s perspective on youth services and the prioritisation of policies to tackle crime and anti-social behaviour, ran counter to the principle of early intervention and the provision of positive activities for young people under the ECM framework.


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