From Tea Parties to militias: between the Republican Party and the insurgent ultra-right in the US

2013 ◽  
pp. 138-157
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-141
Author(s):  
Hasbi Aswar

A speech from the President of United States, Donald Trump, who explicitly state Jerusalem as the capital city of Israel triggering debate that threatens harmonization of the Middle East. Disagreement appear from South East Asia state up to European state regarding to Trump’s statement, which turn into United States foreign policy. Trump’s statement described as the main reason of increasing tension Palestinian – Israel conflict. This essay argues that The US policy toward Jerusalem was merely influenced by domestic politics in the sense that to satisfy Trump`s main voters of the Republican Party that is Evangelical Christian base.


Author(s):  
L. Sandy Maisel

‘A brief history of American political parties’ traces the development of the modern political parties in the US from the initial emergence of parties as the Founders differed on policies they believed served the nation's best interests. The modern day Democratic Party has been transformed from its early manifestation as the Democratic-Republican Party, whilst the Republican Party was formed as a result of the division over the issue of slavery and eclipsed earlier parties such as the National Republicans and Whigs as the major alternative to the Democrats. The subsequent widening of the franchise impacted on the character of both parties.


Significance The sweeping tax reform is US President Donald Trump’s first major legislative victory. Although the bill met strong opposition, and criticism from many leading economists, Trump secured support from his fellow Republican party legislators in Congress. The bill, the first major federal tax reform since 1986, passed on a partisan vote with no Democratic legislators’ support. Impacts Stock prices will rise on the tax legislation’s passage; overseas money could flow back into the United States. The new legislation accomplishes for many Trump’s goal of simplifying the annual tax returns filing process. The tax reform will increase the US budget deficit and the national debt, damaging financial stability over the medium to longer term. If the Democrats win the House or Senate in 2018, they will likely try pushing back on the tax reform. The tax reform will allow new oil drilling in Alaska and undermines parts of the ‘Obamacare’ health scheme.


Politics ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Ashbee

American conservatives are divided about the future of legal immigration. Whereas some assert that the US should remain a ‘nation of immigrants’, others insist that immigration levels should be reduced to a bare minimum. The divisions owe much to ddifferent conceptions of American national identity. Whereas some represent the US as a ‘universal nation’ open to all those who subscribe to particular political and philosophical principles, growing numbers within the conservative movement put forward visions of an American nation structured around a distinct ethno-culture. The rifts are deeply rooted, and have consequences for the future of both American conservatism and the Republican Party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 226-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Milner

This article addresses the link between political knowledge and populist attitudes in the United States (US) in comparative perspective. At the beginning of the new decade, populism in the US is associated with support for the Republican party and Donald Trump in particular, and that is how I address it here. Using secondary data from a number of related studies, we find that, overall, support for Trump is not only negatively related to political knowledge, but also to other factors that make his supporters unaware of their being misinformed. This is because, more than for others, partisan cues serve them as a basis for their factual beliefs about political actors and events and assessments of the beliefs of others. While political knowledge has long been comparatively low in the US, as I show in the early part of the article, the relationship between misinformation and populism (i.e., support for Trump) is seen as a new and especially worrisome element. In the concluding section I address what, if anything, could be done to address this situation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 276-290
Author(s):  
Ahmed Al-Rawi

Political memes have been previously studied in different contexts, but this study fills a gap in literature by employing a mixed method to provide insight into the discourses of fake news on Instagram. The author collected more than 550,000 Instagram posts sent by over 198,000 unique users from 24 February 2012 to 21 December 2018, using the hashtag #fakenews as a search term. The study uses topic modelling to identify the most recurrent topics that are dominant on the platform, while the most active users are identified to understand the nature of the online communities that discuss fake news. In addition, the study offers an analysis of visual metadata that accompanies Instagram images. The findings indicate that Instagram has become a weaponized toxic platform, and the largest community of active users are supporters of the US President Donald Trump and the Republican Party, mostly trolling liberal mainstream media especially CNN, while often aligning themselves with the far-right. On the other hand, a much smaller online community attempts to troll Trump and the Republicans. Theoretically, the study relies on political memes literature and argues that Instagram has become weaponized through an ongoing ‘Meme War,’ for many members in the two main online communities troll and attack each other to exert power on the platform.


Author(s):  
Myra Marx Ferree

Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively, as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rest on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent, but on economic arrangements (the new ‘breadwinner’ role) and political institutions (the ‘brotherhood’ national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and minority ethnic men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative order. The US party binary pushes contemporary movements to transform or restore this understanding of democracy under the political umbrellas of the competing Democratic and Republican parties. This polarisation then contributes to the gendering of movement claims and political representation. Gendered polarisation creates opportunities for cohesion among movements on both sides and yet blocks more fundamental reforms of US democracy.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>Gendered democracy is undergoing transition from breadwinner-brotherhood.</li><br /><li>The binary US parties have become gendered antagonists.</li><br /><li>Agendas are restoration vs transformation of the brotherhood-breadwinner model.</li><br /><li>Social movements clustered under Democratic or Republican party umbrellas align with each other.</li></ul>


Subject Democratic electoral prospects in the US South. Significance With under 60 days to the November 8 US general election, Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton has been polling competitively with Republican Donald Trump in several southern US states. The key swing states of Florida and Virginia are both trending Democratic, and Georgia, North Carolina and perhaps even Texas are becoming contested, raising a question of whether the Republican Party can continue to rely on the South as a core area of electoral support as it has since the 1980s. Impacts The older and whiter electorates of off-year elections will benefit Republicans in congressional and subnational contests. Protectionist Democrats could widen the party's Southern appeal, but hinder national party unity on trade legislation. Voter ID legislation and restricted early voting and same-day registration could reduce turnout by Democratic-leaning voters.


Subject The US political influence of the religious right. Significance By determining which party holds a majority in the House of Representatives and the Senate, November's midterm elections will influence the final two years of President Donald Trump’s current term. Given the historically relatively low voter turnouts in off-presidential-election-cycle election years, Trump’s fortunes depend heavily on his ability to mobilise core conservative voters on behalf of the Republican Party. The religious right is currently Trump’s most intensely loyal constituency and his best hope for retaining Republican majorities in Congress. Impacts Trump will nominate more social conservatives to federal judgeships. Recent gains in special elections do not prove a Democratic resurgence but imply turnout will be higher in November than normal. A Democratic gain of one or both houses of Congress would dent the religious right’s national influence. If the Republicans retain Congress, the religious right will increase its influence further at the federal level. So far, allegations against Trump over his private life do not appear likely to diminish his core support.


2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ieva Zake ◽  
Graham Gormley

Using examples of American Latvians, Estonians and Ukrainians in the states of Minnesota, New Jersey and New York this article explores the ambiguous nature of integration of nationalities groups inside the Republican Party during the 1960s-1980s. Based on the analysis of available archival information, it is shown that the Republican Party intentionally brought in the ethnics during the discussed period and created the Nationalities Sections within specific electoral campaigns, Nationalities Divisions inside the state party organizations and the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council within the Republican National Committee in order to recruit the ethnics and engage in the partisan struggle with the Democrats. Consequently, the nationalities were given a sense of importance, but little real power to actually influence the internal processes inside the party. At the same time, the nationalities eagerly responded to the invitation to join the Republican national and state-level organizations specifically designed for the ethnics. Yet in doing this they perceived themselves primarily as ethnics with a distinct, mainly anti-communist, agenda and only secondarily thought of themselves as Americans dedicated to Republican politics. Consequently, the Republican political strategy of creating Nationalities Sections and Divisions seemed to integrate the ethnics on the surface, while in reality intensifying political separation and even ghettoization of the ethnics in American politics. This research initiates a larger project, which will compare the Republican and Democratic strategies of directly involving ethnic groups and minorities inside the party organizations in the second part of the twentieth century.


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