scholarly journals Under different umbrellas: intersectionality and alliances in US feminist politics

Author(s):  
Myra Marx Ferree

Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively, as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rest on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent, but on economic arrangements (the new ‘breadwinner’ role) and political institutions (the ‘brotherhood’ national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and minority ethnic men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative order. The US party binary pushes contemporary movements to transform or restore this understanding of democracy under the political umbrellas of the competing Democratic and Republican parties. This polarisation then contributes to the gendering of movement claims and political representation. Gendered polarisation creates opportunities for cohesion among movements on both sides and yet blocks more fundamental reforms of US democracy.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>Gendered democracy is undergoing transition from breadwinner-brotherhood.</li><br /><li>The binary US parties have become gendered antagonists.</li><br /><li>Agendas are restoration vs transformation of the brotherhood-breadwinner model.</li><br /><li>Social movements clustered under Democratic or Republican party umbrellas align with each other.</li></ul>

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myra Marx Ferree

Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rested on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent but economic arrangements (the new “breadwinner” role) and political institutions (the “brotherhood” national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and nonwhite men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative order. The U.S. party binary pushes contemporary movements for transforming or restoring this understanding of democracy under the political umbrellas of the competing Democratic and Republican parties. This polarization then contributes to the gendering of movement claims and political representation. Gendered polarization creates opportunities for cohesion among movements on both sides and yet blocks more fundamental reforms of American democracy.


Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (03) ◽  
pp. 117-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Pallister

AbstractUnlike indigenous social movements in several other Latin American countries, Mayan movements in Guatemala have not formed a viable indigenous-based political party. Despite the prominence of the Mayan social movement and a relatively open institutional environment conducive to party formation, indigenous groups have foregone a national political party in favor of a more dispersed pattern of political mobilization at the local level. This article argues that the availability of avenues for political representation at the municipal level, through both traditional political parties and civic committees, and the effects of political repression and violence have reinforced the fragmentation and localism of indigenous social movements in Guatemala and prevented the emergence of a viable Mayan political party. The result has been a pattern of uneven political representation, with indigenous Guatemalans gaining representation in local government while national political institutions remain exclusionary.


Focaal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 (72) ◽  
pp. 3-8
Author(s):  
Riccardo Ciavolella ◽  
Stefano Boni

This theme section inquires into the contribution of political anthropology to radical theories, social imagination, and practices underlying political “alternatives”, which we propose to call “alterpolitics”. The issue of an alternative to contemporary powers in globalization is a central topic in social movements and radical debates. This sense of possibility for political alternatives is associated with the desertion of the belief in “the end of history”: the current economic crisis and the decline of Western hegemony presumably announce a radical transformation of the neoliberal world, opening space to alternatives. Actually, the reconfiguration of twentieth-century capitalism is associated with a growing mistrust of political institutions, the crisis being “organic”, in the Gramscian sense (Gramsci 1975). Recent social movements and insurrections around the world—from the “colored revolutions” in Central Asia to the Spanish indignados, the US Occupy movement, the Arab Spring, uprisings in Bosnia—have raised the issue of alternatives as a reaction to the incapacity of capitalist political institutions—from electoral democracy to dictatorships—to deal with people’s problems and meet their aspirations for emancipation and a better future.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Helena Cook

<p>Analysing the nature of political representation raises questions about the roles of political representatives: who it is they represent and what they do once in Parliament. However, the roles of MPs can be affected by several factors: institutions; political rules; identity; and the norms, values and expectations of the groups they advocate for. This thesis assumes that all of these factors play an important part in shaping the roles of political representatives and are particularly significant in understanding minority political representation. This case study of political representation of the Pacific Island migrant community in New Zealand analyses the roles and perceptions of minority MPs through their own words. Despite a wealth of literature on the wider subject of political representation, very little takes into account the perspective of the MPs themselves, and this thesis uses in-depth interview data to place the narrative of Pacific political representation in New Zealand into a wider context of the roles of minority MPs in advanced liberal democracies. Arguments for the increased political representation of minority groups are often based on the assumption that achieving a 'politics of presence' is essential for democracies, because minority groups need people from within the group to speak on their behalf. Thus only people with a shared history or shared experiences can adequately represent the needs of a minority group. This thesis shows that Pacific political representation is viewed by the MPs as important, because it reflects the multicultural nature of New Zealand society, allows for issues that affect Pacific people to be addressed in a political forum and enables Pacific MPs to bring a more collective approach to New Zealand's Westminster Parliamentary democracy. Political institutions and electoral reform have all affected Pacific representation in New Zealand, demonstrating that these factors should not be overlooked when considering the roles of minority MPs. New Zealand's experience of electoral reform has seen an increase of minority political representation, and the Maori seats in New Zealand's House of Representatives demonstrate how political representation for indigenous minorities can be implemented. This thesis is an exploratory work into the political journeys of New Zealand's Pacific MPs; an area that has previously been overlooked or neglected, but one that is vital to increase understanding of the roles of minority political representatives.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Helena Cook

<p>Analysing the nature of political representation raises questions about the roles of political representatives: who it is they represent and what they do once in Parliament. However, the roles of MPs can be affected by several factors: institutions; political rules; identity; and the norms, values and expectations of the groups they advocate for. This thesis assumes that all of these factors play an important part in shaping the roles of political representatives and are particularly significant in understanding minority political representation. This case study of political representation of the Pacific Island migrant community in New Zealand analyses the roles and perceptions of minority MPs through their own words. Despite a wealth of literature on the wider subject of political representation, very little takes into account the perspective of the MPs themselves, and this thesis uses in-depth interview data to place the narrative of Pacific political representation in New Zealand into a wider context of the roles of minority MPs in advanced liberal democracies. Arguments for the increased political representation of minority groups are often based on the assumption that achieving a 'politics of presence' is essential for democracies, because minority groups need people from within the group to speak on their behalf. Thus only people with a shared history or shared experiences can adequately represent the needs of a minority group. This thesis shows that Pacific political representation is viewed by the MPs as important, because it reflects the multicultural nature of New Zealand society, allows for issues that affect Pacific people to be addressed in a political forum and enables Pacific MPs to bring a more collective approach to New Zealand's Westminster Parliamentary democracy. Political institutions and electoral reform have all affected Pacific representation in New Zealand, demonstrating that these factors should not be overlooked when considering the roles of minority MPs. New Zealand's experience of electoral reform has seen an increase of minority political representation, and the Maori seats in New Zealand's House of Representatives demonstrate how political representation for indigenous minorities can be implemented. This thesis is an exploratory work into the political journeys of New Zealand's Pacific MPs; an area that has previously been overlooked or neglected, but one that is vital to increase understanding of the roles of minority political representatives.</p>


Author(s):  
Mark Peffley ◽  
Alexander Denison ◽  
Travis N. Taylor

The chapter examines the current state of print, electronic, and social media in Europe and the US, and how its evolution has influenced mass behaviour, political representation, and democratic governance. We begin by surveying the dramatic changes that have taken place in the media environment—the shift in media technology from print to broadcast to the Internet, and how these changes influence the information environment and thus, the behaviour of citizens and elites. We then assess how various facets of the electronic media—that is, broadcast news, cable, partisan news, the Internet, and social media—influence political behaviour and representation. Despite a few exceptions, transformations in print, electronic, and social media in liberal democracies have tended to degrade the quality of representation in the last two decades, particularly in the US, where market forces are stronger and government regulations designed to buffer the market are weaker.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Bennett

Cannabis (marijuana) is the most commonly consumed, universally produced, and frequently trafficked psychoactive substance prohibited under international drug control laws. Yet, several countries have recently moved toward legalization. In these places, the legal status of cannabis is complex, especially because illegal markets persist. This chapter explores the ways in which a sector’s legal status interacts with political consumerism. The analysis draws on a case study of political consumerism in the US and Canadian cannabis markets over the past two decades as both countries moved toward legalization. It finds that the goals, tactics, and leadership of political consumerism activities changed as the sector’s legal status shifted. Thus prohibition, semilegalization, and new legality may present special challenges to political consumerism, such as silencing producers, confusing consumers, deterring social movements, and discouraging discourse about ethical issues. The chapter concludes that political consumerism and legal status may have deep import for one another.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Manatschal

AbstractMuch has been written on the positive effect of direct democracy (initiatives, referendums) on voter turnout. However, we have limited knowledge about potential differential effects on voters belonging to various ethnic groups. The paper argues that depending on a group’s responsiveness to the political context, direct democracy can (dis-)integrate voters (from) into the electorate. Empirical analysis of Current Population Survey (CPS) voting supplement survey data, together with data on the absolute use of direct democracy across US states, corroborates this theoretical expectation, however lending more support for the disintegrating assumption. Frequent direct democratic elections further widen the negative voting gap between first-generation Asian voters and voters living in the US for three generations or longer, whereas they tend to diminish this voting gap for first-generation Hispanic voters. The disintegrative pattern for first-generation Asian voters remains even significant when excluding California from the state sample, yet not the integrative tendency for first-generation Hispanics. Additional analyses using alternative measures of direct democracy and voting, and applying statistical adjustments to address causality concerns, confirm the robustness of these findings, which shed light on the so-far underexplored (dis-)integrative potential of political institutions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 293-299
Author(s):  
Michael Kelly

This article introduces the special number of French Cultural Studies commemorating the role of Brian Rigby as the journal’s first Managing Editor. It situates his contribution in the emergence of cultural history and French cultural studies during the rapid expansion of higher education from the 1960s in France, the UK, the US and other countries. It suggests that these new areas of study saw cultural activities in a broader social context and opened the way to a wider understanding of culture, in which popular culture played an increasingly important part. It argues that the study of popular culture can illuminate some of the most mundane experiences of everyday life, and some of the most challenging. It can also help to understand the rapidly changing cultural environment in which our daily lives are now conducted.


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