The Social Construction of the State: State-Building and State-Destroying as Social Action

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-37
Author(s):  
Miklós Bakk

Abstract The study aims to give a comprehensive explanation on how regional construction took place in the European history related to the state-building processes and how the historical heritage of the European state-construction influences today the social construction of the regions. With regard to the state-building processes, the study started from Hechter’s model of ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ state and his interpretation on the relationship between core regions and peripheries. This model operates with the centralizing power of the state, but from the last decades of the 20th century it was proved via the ‘new regionalism’ that social construction processes became more relevant in shaping new subnational regions. This last aspect is described by Paasi, and the study argues for a new concept of regional identity as a territorial ‘product’ of interacting governance and local society.


2019 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Ana-Teodora Kurkina

State Boundaries in the Minds of Men: Bulgarian Intellectuals Dividing the Balkans in the mid-19th CenturyThe correlation between the political imagination of intellectuals and their social ties is rarely linked to the state-building projects they produce. In most cases, political and social realities in regions do not coincide with the state boundaries sketched by intellectuals. Nevertheless, they do reflect the ideas of a narrow stratum of interconnected individuals that are easy to target and follow.The current text introduces and analyses the individual ties that laid the foundation for state-building creativity in the context of the mid-19th century empires. It suggests that elites occupy a different place in the social hierarchy of the forming nations, creating their preliminary state boundaries mostly based on their own interconnections and personal considerations. While their plans do not necessarily succeed, they usually reflect the nature of the debates and concerns of a relatively small group that conceives them.The case of the Bulgarian public actors in the mid-19th century offers a concentrated picture of a predominantly mobile intellectual elite engaged in the division of the Balkans. That elite included not only revolutionary thinkers like Georgi Rakovski, but also poets and journalists like his younger contemporaries, Hristo Botev and Lyuben Karavelov. Following their writings, one can produce a picture illustrating the correlation between state boundary-making and the imagination of intellectuals. While the Bulgarian example is easy to follow, it is not unique. The hypothesis can be transferred to other cases and other elites engaged in state-building debates, especially those isolated from the reality of their target group due to their position in the social hierarchy, emigrant status or conflicting affiliations. Государственные границы в сознании людей: деление Балканов болгарскими интеллектуалами в середине 19 века Корреляция между политическим воображением интеллектуалов и их социальными связями редко ассоциируется с проектами по конструированию государства, которые они создают. В большинстве случаев, политические и социальные реалии в различных регионах не совпадают с государственными границами, начертанными полити- ческими активистами. Они отражают идеи узкой прослойки контак- тирующих индивидумов, чьи действия легко увидеть и проследить.Данный текст рассматривает и анализирует личные связи политических активистов, которые заложили основы проектов по конструированию государства в контексте империй середины 19 века. Автор утверждает, что интеллектуальные элиты занимали особое место в социальной иерархии формирующихся наций, создавая предварительные государственные границы, базируя их на своих личных связях и идеях. Их планы не венчались успехом во всех случаях, однако, они отражали природу дебатов и интересов маленькой группы, которая их выражала, но никак не всего населения.Случай болгарских политических активистов середины 19 века представляет собой пример преимущественно мобильной элиты, вовлеченной в раздел Балканского полуострова. Эта элита включала в себя не только революционных мыслителей как Георгий Раковский, но также поэтов и публицистов как его младшие современники Христо Ботев и Любен Каравелов. Анализируя оставленные ими письменные документы, можно воспроизвести модель, иллюстрирующую корреляцию между конструированием государственных границ и политическим воображением интеллектуалов. Болгарский пример предлагает достаточное количество материала для проведения исследования, однако, он далеко не уникален. Данная система может буть перенесена на другие случаи, в которых фигурируют элиты, причастные к конструированию государственных границ. Наиболее подробно данная модель иллюстрирует деятельность представителей элиты, которые находятся в изоляции от своей целевой группы из-за своего положения в социальной иерархии, статуса эмигранта или противоречивых идентичностей. Granice państwowe w umysłach ludzkich: dzielenie Bałkanów przez bułgarskich intelektualistów w połowie XIX wiekuKorelacja między polityczną wyobraźnią intelektualistów a ich więziami społecznymi rzadko jest kojarzona z tworzonymi przez nich projektami budowy państwa. W większości przypadków regionalne realia polityczne nie pokrywają się z granicami państwowymi wyznaczonymi przez działaczy politycznych. Odzwierciedlają one idee wąskiej warstwy wzajemnie powiązanych jednostek, których działania można łatwo dostrzec i prześledzić.Niniejszy tekst analizuje osobiste powiązania aktywistów politycznych, którzy stworzyli podstawy dla projektów budowy państw w epoce imperiów połowy XIX wieku. Autorka twierdzi, że elity intelektualne zajmowały szczególne miejsce w społecznej hierarchii formujących się narodów, tworząc wstępne granice państwowe w oparciu o osobiste więzi i idee. Ich plany nie we wszystkich przypadkach były zwieńczone sukcesem, lecz odzwierciedlały specyfikę debat i interesów małej grupy, która je wyrażała, a nie całej ludności.Przypadek bułgarskich aktywistów politycznych połowy XIX wieku stanowi przykład mobilnej elity zaangażowanej w podział Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. W skład tej elity weszli nie tylko rewolucyjni myśliciele jak Georgi Rakovski, ale także poeci i publicyści jak Christo Botev i Luben Karavelov. Analizując pisane przez nich dokumenty, można odtworzyć model ilustrujący korelację pomiędzy konstruowaniem granic, a polityczną wyobraźnią intelektualistów. Bułgarski przykład oferuje wystarczającą ilość materiału do badania, lecz jest daleki od bycia wyjątkowym. Model ten może być przeniesiony do innych przypadków, w których biorą udział elity zaangażowane w konstruowanie granic państwowych, jednocześnie znakomicie ilustruje działalność przedstawicieli elit, którzy są odizolowani od grupy docelowej ze względu na sprzeczną z nią tożsamość, status emigranta lub pozycję w hierarchii społecznej.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 266-267
Author(s):  
Cynthia Weber

Conceptualizing the sovereign nation-state remains a core concern in the discipline of international relations (IR). Yet, as the volumes by Sarah Owen Vandersluis and Beate Jahn demonstrate, the theoretical location of this conceptual debate is shifting. Questions of identity, like those regarding sovereign nation-states, were answered in the 1990s with reference to terms like social construction. In the new millennium, “the social” is increasingly joined by “the cultural” as an intellectual marker of how serious IR scholars must pose questions of identity. Why this shift? And what difference does it make to our understandings of sovereign nation-states, not to mention IR theory more generally?


1998 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 273-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Phillips

This paper examines public discourse in order to illuminate the processes by which issues of anonymity, surveillance, security, and privacy are integrated into public understandings of, and interactions with, consumer payment systems. Using theories of the social construction of technology, and Gamson's model of issue construction, it analyses the issue package deployed by the developer of the Ecash electronic payment system. An issue package is a set of framing devices which focus and constrain discussion of a particular issue. The paper then analyses three different discursive sites (print media, US Congressional deliberation, and an electronic mailing list) to gauge the success of that package, according to its presence and its resonance within each site. Using theories of frame alignment and social mobilization, the package is identified as a globalizing framing strategy. Its failure is explained by the difficulties a frame of such structure will have in meshing with the discursive practice of each site, in resonating with cultural themes of each site, and in provoking social action.


Author(s):  
Felipe Cesar Rebêlo

A greve é reconhecida como um instituto em constante evolução, representativo dos direitos sociais. Passa por uma evolução constante, de acordo com as demandas que surgem historicamente. Nesse ponto, se averigua como o instituto jurídico é construído, bem como a forma que sua feição política pode desenvolver. A compreensão da doutrina e da jurisprudência se faz necessária, em consonância as determinações legais, bem como ao espírito social que move multidões, em expressão de uma ação social que necessita ser revisitada considerando cânones mais profundos, e do próprio direito e da constituição do Estado, como forma de legitimação da estrutura institucional em que a sociedade pode se formatar. A forma de concretização das demandas sociais, à luz de uma preocupação que se compactue com a luta de classes no ambiente capitalista, em que o direito é analisado como instrumentalização dessa constante social, merece ponderação na análise contemplada.   Abstract: Strike is recognized as a constantly evolving institute, representative of social rights. It goes through a constant evolution, according to the demands that arise historically. At this point, it examines how the legal institute is constructed, as well as the form that its political aspect can develop. Understanding the doctrine and jurisprudence is necessary, in accordance with legal determinations, as well as the social spirit that moves crowds, in expression of a social action that needs to be revisited considering deeper canons, and of the law itself and the constitution of the State, as a way of legitimizing institutional structure in which society can be shaped. The way of concretizing social demands, in the light of a concern that is compacted with the class struggle in the capitalist environment, in which the law is analyzed as an instrumentalization of this social constant, deserves consideration in the analysis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 293-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alda Cristina Silva da Costa ◽  
Thaís Luciana Corrêa Braga ◽  
Ana Caroliny do Nascimento Pinho ◽  
Nathan Nguangu Kabuenge

Os conflitos agrários na Amazônia configuram-se como um grave problema de violência, proveniente da concentração da propriedade da terra, da formação de latifúndios e do assassinato de trabalhadores. O artigo objetiva compreender a construção social da violência pelo Correio do Tocantins, jornal impresso produzido em Marabá, cidade no sudeste do Estado do Pará. Como postura téorico-metodológica, recorreu-se à hermenêutica de profundidade (THOMPSON, 2011), que propõe a (re)interpretação de construções simbólicas em contextos socialmente estruturados. A análise de seis notícias publicadas na primeira edição do periódico evidencia a atuação dos pistoleiros como colaboradores da polícia e responsabiliza os migrantes pelos crimes.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Violência; conflitos agrários; Correio do Tocantins; Amazônia paraense; hermenêutica de profundidade.     ABSTRACT Agrarian conflicts in the Amazon are a serious problem of violence, resulting from the concentration of land ownership, of the formation of latifundia and of the murder of workers. The article aims to understand the social construction of violence by Correio do Tocantins, a newspaper produced in Marabá, city in the southeast of the state of Pará. As a theoretical-methodological posture, depth hermeneutics was used (THOMPSON, 2011), which proposes (re)interpretation of symbolic constructions in socially structured contexts. The analysis of six news published in the first edition of the journal highlights the role of the gunmen as police collaborators and makes the migrants responsible for the crimes.   KEYWORDS: Violence; agrarian conflicts; Correio do Tocantins; Pará Amazon; depth hermeneutics.     RESUMEN Los conflictos agrarios en la Amazonía se configuran como un grave problema de violencia, proveniente de la concentración de la propiedad de la tierra, de la formación de latifundios y del asesinato de trabajadores. El artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la construcción social de la violencia a partir del Correio do Tocantins, periódico impreso en la ciudad de Marabá, ubicada en el sudeste del Estado de Pará. Como postura teórica-metodológica, se recurrió a la hermenéutica de profundidad (THOMPSON, 2011), que propone la (re)interpretación de construcciones simbólicas en contextos socialmente estructurados. El análisis de seis noticias publicadas en la primera edición del periódico evidencia la actuación de sicarios como colaboradores de la policía y responsabiliza a los migrantes por los crímenes.   PALABRAS CLAVE: Violencia; conflictos agrarios; Correio do Tocantins; Amazonía paraense; hermenéutica de profundidad.


2021 ◽  
pp. 362-380
Author(s):  
Giorgio Blundo

Systemic corruption in the Sahel is the outcome of particular historical and institutional trajectories of state-building efforts, of factionalism and patronage, and of the inability of the state apparatus to rely on alternative mechanisms to ensure its survival and legitimacy. One key feature that emerges from the analysis and comparisons of multiple case studies is the extraordinary propagation of everyday corruption, to be distinguished from “big” corruption, and the ambivalent perceptions of it by citizens when dealing with the bureaucracy. Daily corruption practices manifest themselves in a variety of forms and underpin especially the delivery of basic public services. Corruption in the Sahel is an institutionalized way of managing people and exercising power in situations of limited accountability, and is closely connected with other dynamics operating within the social and economic system.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-205
Author(s):  
William H. Clune

This paper describes a topology of legal thought and the social conditions (the larger social construction of reality) of which that topology, that thought, is a component. Part I is a description of the structure of legal thought; Part II of the social conditions (a theory of the state, or political economy). The Conclusion considers the place of traditional legal practice on a new landscape.


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