The Belt and Road Initiative and state-owned enterprises: Is it time for reform of the EU merger control?

Author(s):  
Alexandr Svetlicinii
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiaming Liang

President Xi, focusing on building a new pattern of all-round opening up to the outside world and promoting the common prosperity and progress of all countries, put forward a major proposal for the construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the maritime Silk Road in twenty-first Century. The bay area economy, as an important coastal economic form, is the highlight of the current international economic map, and is a significant symbol of the world's first-class coastal city. The international first-class bay areas, such as New York Bay area, San Francisco Bay area and Tokyo Bay area, are characterized by openness, innovation, livability and internationalization. The Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area has four world-class cities, name Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Hong Kong and Macao, and the Pearl River Delta city cluster. It has an open economic structure, efficient resource allocation ability, strong agglomeration and spillover function and development international communication network plays a core function of leading innovation and gathering radiation. It is an important growth pole for promoting the economic development of the maritime Silk Road and a leader in technological change. With the help of Portugal's geographical position on the maritime Silk Road and market access advantages within the EU system, the Greater Bay Area should further deepen scientific and technological cooperation, improve the ability of scientific and technological innovation of both sides, let the scientific research subjects of the bay area help Portugal's scientific and technological development, and enhance Portugal's scientific and technological position in the EU. From the perspective of the Belt and Road Initiative, combined with the basic situation and cooperation of China, especially Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macau, and the development of science and technology in Portugal, this article explores the technological fields, policy measures that are suitable for scientific and technological cooperation between the two sides, and puts forward corresponding suggestions to contribute to the technological development of China, Portugal and the global economic and social sustainable development.


Author(s):  
D. Potapov

The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-355
Author(s):  
Mihajlo Vucic

The topic of this article is the Serbian foreign policy between its main strategic aims - membership in the European Union, and cooperation with China in the framework of the Belt and Road initiative. Serbia bases its foreign policy upon four pillars - the accession process to the EU and three strategic partnerships with great world powers - China, the United States of America, and Russia. However, the accession process to the EU requires from Serbia to strictly follow its obligations from the Stabilization and Association Agreement, Treaty Establishing the Transport Community, and other treaties signed with the EU which might sometimes conflict with project activities from the Belt and Road partnership process. These obligations relate mostly to competition and environmental protection. The author gives the analysis of the main points of possible conflict and indicates a double standard in the EU approach to the Belt and Road initiative. Then he presents arguments that indicate the Belt and Road can serve as a bridge between candidate countries and the EU internal market. The author concludes that although there exist some structural justifications to EU?s skepticism towards the Belt and Road, the best way to overcome them is to insist on political dialogue on many existing levels between the EU and China, with the aim to exchange information between them on EU rules, policies and standards to make sure Chinese investments and other financial activities in Serbia are in accordance with its accession obligations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Bieliński ◽  
Magdalena Markiewicz ◽  
Ewa Oziewicz

The main aim of the article was to analyze the motives behind the FDI decisions of Chinese companies’ capital engagement in Central and Eastern Europe. The article examines the applicability of existing theoretical concepts towards Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). Chinese OFDI patterns have been found to be consistent with Dunning’s investment development path (IDP) theory, but research shows that OFDI to CEE countries is additionally driven by specific motives different than in other regions. The study has proved that one of the major purposes is to get access to the EU common market. Additionally, data analysis has revealed that CEE countries that are not part of the EU attract proportionally more Chinese FDI than those that have easier access to EU funds.


2019 ◽  
Vol XXII (Issue 4) ◽  
pp. 472-492
Author(s):  
L. Kostecka-Tomaszewska ◽  
K. Czerewacz-Filipowicz

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Alina Szypulewska-Porczyńska

The aim of the study is to evaluate the potential role of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for promoting EU – China trade, and especially Poland – China trade. We test two hypotheses: 1) Non-tariff barriers (NTBs), particularly related to railway transport, are significant for Poland – China trade, and 2) Poland – China trade fits railway transport well. Therefore, we start with a study of the significance of tariff and non-tariff barriers in mutual trade relations, including transport-related barriers. NTBs are mainly derived from the EU Market Access database, and as for transport-related barriers – the logistics performance index (LPI) is used. As the next step, we study the composition of bilateral trade in static and dynamic terms using the OECD TiVA database. In the light of the significant increase in NTBs on EU manufacturing products exported to China and the railway transport infrastructure performance in Poland, the BRI could become an effective tool for improving the business environment for EU exporters. By contrast, the BRI project is more suitable for China and the EU as a whole than for Poland in terms of commodity structure of bilateral trade.


Author(s):  
John R. Allen ◽  
F. Ben Hodges ◽  
Julian Lindley-French

What threat does China pose to Europe’s future defence? The US has long been a ‘European’ actor; China is fast becoming one. The impact of the irresistible rise of China on Europe’s future defence will be profound post-COVID-19. Most notably, China is imposing a form of ‘imperial overstretch’ on the US, forcing it to make choices of weakness. China is also a Jekyll and Hyde—both constructive and invasive. COVID-19 has revealed the extent to which China seeks to exploit globalization/Chinaization to impose its will. The Belt and Road Initiative and the indebtedness of many European states already enables China to exert its influence through those states on the EU, NATO, and the transatlantic relationship. As such, the rise of China is the biggest single geopolitical change factor to impact Europe’s defence since 1939. It also implies a nightmare in which China and Russia join forces to weaken the Americans by creating simultaneous chaos the world over, rendering European defence incapable at a time and place of Beijing and Moscow’s choosing.


2019 ◽  
pp. 47-71
Author(s):  
Petr M. Mozias

China’s Belt and Road Initiative could be treated ambiguously. On the one hand, it is intended to transform the newly acquired economic potential of that country into its higher status in the world. China invites a lot of nations to build up gigantic transit corridors by joint efforts, and doing so it applies productively its capital and technologies. International transactions in RMB are also being expanded. But, on the other hand, the Belt and Road Initiative is also a necessity for China to cope with some evident problems of its current stage of development, such as industrial overcapacity, overdependence on imports of raw materials from a narrow circle of countries, and a subordinate status in global value chains. For Russia participation in the Belt and Road Initiative may be fruitful, since the very character of that project provides us with a space to manoeuvre. By now, Russian exports to China consist primarily of fuels and other commodities. More active industrial policy is needed to correct this situation . A flexible framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is more suitable for this objective to be achieved, rather than traditional forms of regional integration, such as a free trade zone.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document