R. S. S., The Tory Reform Act. What Must We Do With It? Register! Register!! Register!!!, by a Member of the Council of the ‘National Union’

Author(s):  
Angus Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Admink Admink

Аналізується важливість і проблемний ряд здійснення реформи місцевого самоврядування в регіонах країни і шляхи її розв’язання у галузі культури. Пропонуються найбільш ефективні кроки для управлінських структур різних рівнів щодо зміни ставлення як представників керівної ланки, так і місцевого населення щодо різноманітних культурних практик. Акцентується увага на ролі методичних служб галузі у процесі здійснення цієї реформ. Наголошено на використанні досвіду інших країн в активізації місцевого населення у цьому процесі. Здійснено спробу запропонувати ефективні, на думку авторів, рішення у питанні проведення зазначеної реформи. Акцент зроблено на освітній чинник. . Ключові слова: культурні практики, місцеве самоврядування, соціальна активність, заклад вищої освіти, організаційно-культурна діяльність.   On the example of organizational, cultural and artistic activity the practice of holding anniversary art exhibitions of regional artistsOleksandr Harvat (photo art) and the first Head (1991-1998) of the regional department of the National Union of Artists Kostiantyn Lytvyn (fine arts, graphics)is analyzed. The specificity of their creative experience, influence on the cultural environment is considered. The most striking pages of the creative biographiesof each of them and the influence of exhibition activity on the artistic environment of the region are revealed. The importance of continuing to preserve the culturalheritage of regional artists in order to position Ukraine in the cultural space of the world is emphasized. Keywords: creative biography, artistic activity, exhibit, cultural space, region.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-193
Author(s):  
Frank Seberechts

Uit de papieren van jeugdleider John Caremans, die aan de zorgen van het ADVN werden toevertrouwd, krijgen we een duidelijker beeld van de geschiedenis van de Vlaams-nationalistische jeugdbewegingen voor en tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Caremans voert in 1942 in opdracht van zijn oversten ‘verkenningsopdrachten’ uit bij vertegenwoordigers van de nationaal-socialistische jeugdbeweging in Duitsland. Uit het verslag dat Caremans over zijn reizen opstelt en uit de naoorlogse ondervragingen van Caremans en van zijn chef, jeugdleider Edgar Lehembre, blijkt dat deze reizen naar Berlijn slechts een episode vormen in de strijd die gedurende de hele bezetting woedt tussen de verschillende jeugdbewegingen in Vlaanderen en tussen, de verschillende partijen en ideologische strekkingen in de collaboratie. Alle ingrediënten zijn aanwezig: de scepsis van een deel van de Nationaal-Socialistische Jeugd Vlaanderen (NSJV) tegenover de brute nationaal-socialistische machtshonger, het onbegrip en de machtspolitiek van Duitse instanties als het Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) en de Hitlerjugend (HJ) tegenover de buitenlanders – zelfs wanneer die zich in de collaboratie inschakelen, de inmenging van Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond (VNV) en van de Vlaamsch-Duitsche Arbeidsgemeenschap (DeVlag)/SS. Het wordt duidelijk dat Lehembre en het VNV in deze strijd het onderspit zullen delven.________“Something on behalf of our young people”. John Caremans, Edgar Lehembre, Remi Van Mieghem and the Flemish and German machinations concerning the Flemish nationalist youth movement in 1942.The documents of youth leader John Caremans, which had been entrusted to the care of the ADVN, give a clearer picture of the history of the Flemish Nationalist youth movements before and during the Second World War. In 1942, Caremans was instructed by his superiors to carry out ‘exploratory missions’ among representatives of the National Socialist youth movement in Germany.The report written by Caremans about his travels and post-war interrogations of Caremans and his chief, youth leader, Edgar Lehembre, demonstrate that these trips to Berlin constituted only one episode in the struggle that raged throughout the occupation between the various youth movements in Flanders and between the various parties and ideological trends in the collaboration. All ingredients are present: the scepticism of a part of the National Socialist Youth of Flanders (NSJV) towards the brute National Socialist craving for power, the incomprehension and the power politics of German agencies, like the Deutsche Arbeiterfront (DAF) and the Hitlerjugend (HJ) towards foreigners – even when they engage in collaboration, the interference of the Flemish National Union (VNV) and the Flemish German Labour Community (De Vlag)/SS. It becomes clear that Lehembre and the VNV would come off worst in this combat.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-171
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

Onlangs werd het verslagboek 1919-1925 ontdekt van de Katholieke Vlaamse Landsbond. Dat was de bundeling van arrondissementele verbonden waarmee flaminganten onder de leiding van volksvertegenwoordiger Frans Van Cauwelaert in heel het Vlaamse land de katholieke partij in handen wilden nemen, om de Nederlandse eentaligheid van Vlaanderen aan de overheden op te leggen. Het zou duren tot 1936 vooraleer de partij in België officieel georganiseerd werd op federale basis, maar daardoor zou de KVL dan zijn betekenis verliezen.  Intussen was een belangrijk deel van de aanhang, vooral uit de intellectuele burgerij, overgestapt naar de nationalisten, hoewel de KVL zijn houding had geradicaliseerd om dat te voorkomen. De beroepsorganisaties van christelijke arbeiders, boeren en middenstanders waren de belangrijkste ondersteuners, waarmee de KVL intussen haar oorspronkelijk programma had kunnen doorvoeren.________The Catholic Flemish National UnionRecently the book including the minutes of the Catholic Flemish National Union (KVL) for 1919-1925 was discovered. The Catholic Flemish Nation Union was the gathering of the district-based unions that the supporters of the Flemish Movement under the leadership of Member of Parliament Frans Van Cauwelaert wanted to take over in order to impose Dutch on the authorities as the single language in Flanders. The party was not officially organised on a federal basis in Belgium until 1936, and for this reason the KVL would then lose its significance. Meanwhile a large number of its supporters, in particular those from the intellectual middle classes had transferred its allegiance to the nationalists, in spite of the fact that the KVL had radicalised its stance in order to prevent this. The professional associations of Christian workers, farmers and small businesses constituted the main supporters, with whom the KVL could have carried out its original programme.


2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 322-352
Author(s):  
Romain Vanlandschoot

In Van "de soldaat Johan" tot "Herman den SS-soldaat" peilt Romain Vanlandschoot naar de verhouding én de verstrengeling tussen literatuur, Vlaamse beweging en collaboratie tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog. De auteur stelt daarbij het vizier scherp in op het politieke en culturele Nieuwe-Ordekader (VNV en De Vlag) waarin het literair-artistieke eenheidstijdschrift Westland ontstond. De  populaire romancier én gezaghebbende Vlaamsgezinde militant Filip De Pillecyn (1891-1962) werd de centrale figuur in de langdurige aanloop-periode van het tijdschrift. De Pillecyn dankte die rol aan zijn belangrijke inbreng in de nieuwe, "völkische" oriëntering van het culturele leven in Vlaanderen én aan zijn nauwe banden met zowel het VNV als het concurrerende De Vlag. Daarenboven genoot hij grote achting en waardering in Duitse intellectuele en artistieke kringen. Het hoofdredacteurschap van De Pillecyn was echter kort als gevolg van een al te opdringerige De Vlag- en SS-invloed. Dat heeft hem wellicht behoed voor een totale wegdeemstering na de Tweede Wereldoorlog: hij beleefde toen integendeel een onbetwistbare rehabilitering als kunstenaar.________From "soldier Johan" to "Herman the SS-soldier"In From " soldier Johan" to "Herman the SS-soldier" Romain Vanlandschoot investigates the relation and the linkage between literature, the Flemish movement and collaboration during the Second World War. The author focuses in this study on the political and cultural New Order framework (VNV [Flemish National Union] and De Vlag [German Flemish Working Community]) within which the literary-artistic unity magazine Westland had its origins. The  popular novelist  and authoritative pro-Flemish militant Filip De Pillecyn (1891-1962) became the central character during  the protracted start-up phase of the magazine. De Pillecyn obtained this role because of his important input in the new "völkische" orientation of the cultural life in Flanders as well as his close links both with the VNV and the competing De Vlag. Moreover he was also much esteemed and valued in German intellectual and artistic circles. However, De Pillecyn held the job of general editor only briefly, because of the too aggressive influence of De Vlag and the SS. This may well have protected him from a total disappearance after the Second World War: on the contrary he then experienced an undeniable rehabilitation as an artist.


1983 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Melber

[Windhoek, 1977]…fellow-workers…the weak point we have [to remedy] in order to change the system is unity and co-operation. And we must not distinguish whether some workers are sleeping in a compound and some are staying in the single quarters and some in the so-called locations. All of us who are exploited, we blacks, we must know that we are all workers. We workers want to be in unity. We workers in Namibia, we want to unite. It doesn't matter what kind of work he is doing, each and every worker should come into that union. After such unity and co-operation have been established, it is only then that it will be possible to campaign for better working conditions, for higher wages and to embark on any other action which will change the working conditions.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 437-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRETT BOWLES

Taking an anthropological approach, this article interprets Pagnol's critically acknowledged classic as a reinvention of a carnivalesque ritual practised in France from the late middle ages through the late 1930s, when ethnographers observed its last vestiges. By linking La Femme du boulanger (The baker's wife, 1938) to contemporaneous debates over gender, national decadence, and the definition of French cultural identity, I argue that the film recycles the charivari's long-standing function as a tool of popular protest against social and political practices regarded as detrimental to the welfare of the nation. In the context of the Popular Front, Pagnol's charivari ridiculed divisive partisan politics pitting Left against Right, symbolically purged class conflict from the social body, and created a new form of folklore that served as a focal point for the communitarian ritual of movie-going among the urban working and middle classes. In so doing, the film promoted the ongoing shift in public support away from the Popular Front in favour of a conservative ‘National Union’ government under Prime Minister Edouard Daladier, who in 1938–9 assumed the role of France's newest political patriarch.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-117
Author(s):  
Florence Sutter ◽  
Dr. Allan Kihara

Purpose: The study aimed at finding out the determinants of successful implementation of digital literacy project in public primary schools in Baringo County in Kenya. The specific objectives of the study were to determine the effect of school leadership, information communication technology teacher competence, and teacher workload and information communication technology infrastructure. The study was founded on Technology Acceptance Theory, Resource Based Theory, Upper Echelons Theory and the Technology, Organization and Environment Model theories. This study adopted a descriptive survey research design. Methodology: The study targeted 612 stakeholders in the implementation of the Digital Literacy Project in public schools including the Ministry of education Science and Technology representative who is the Sub county Directors, the TSC Sub County Directors, curriculum support officers in the County, the Kenya Institute of Special Education Sub County coordinators, the Kenya Primary Schools Head Teachers Association Sub County coordinators, the Kenya National Union of Teachers Sub County coordinators  and the  head teachers of the public primary schools in Baringo county. Yamane formula was used to determine a sample size of 150 respondents. Structured questionnaire presented in likert scale were used in collecting primary data. Descriptive statistics such as percentages, mean and frequency was used to analyze the collected data. The study also used inferential statistics such as correlation and regression. Results: The study found that school leader of technology encourage use of technology in teaching and learning and help teachers establish goals to implementation of technology in achieving their instructional strategies and that school leader’s interest; their commitment and championing implementation of ICT programs in schools positively influenced the whole process. The study concluded that school leadership had the greatest influence on implementation of digital literacy project in public primary schools in Baringo County in Kenya in Kenya followed by ICT infrastructure, then teachers ICT competence while teachers’ workload had the least influence on the implementation of digital literacy project in public primary schools in Baringo County in Kenya.Contribution to policy and practice: The study recommends that the school leaders should increase their compliance with the various policies so as to ensure more effective integration of learning and teaching in primary schools and that school administration and stakeholders in education needs to be more supportive towards implementation of ICT programs.


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