The Northern Ireland economy since the Belfast Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 10-29
Author(s):  
Paul Teague
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Belfast Agreement

The mental health impact of the Troubles, 1969–1999

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bolton
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Health Impact ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
The Troubles ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Good Friday Agreement ◽  
The Impact

This Chapter is the first of two that describe efforts to understand the mental health and related impacts of the conflict in Northern Ireland, often referred to as The Troubles. The Chapter covers the period from the outbreak of violence in the late 1960’s up until the period around the peace accord, the Belfast Agreement (or Good Friday Agreement) of April 1998. The early studies reveal little, if any, major effects on the wellbeing and mental health of the population, but as the years go by, evidence starts to build of the impact of the violence, particularly as the ceasefires of the early and mid 1990’s take hold. The developing understanding of the impact was due in part to the evolution of methods and approaches being used by researchers - which is discussed in more detail at the end of Chapter 5.

Wales and Northern Ireland

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
Freedom Of Information Act ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Legislative Power ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

Chapter 24 explains how the Freedom of Information Act 2000 applies to Wales and Northern Ireland. It describes the scheme of devolution for Wales with the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Government and the way legislative power has been increased by the Government of Wales Act 2006 and how a reserved powers model of devolution has been agreed in a Command Paper Powers for a purpose: Towards a lasting devolution settlement for Wales. Next, the way freedom of information works in Wales is considered. The chapter then describes the scheme of devolution for Northern Ireland established following the Belfast Agreement on Friday 10 April 1998, including the Northern Ireland Assembly and the National Ireland Executive structured to ensure power-sharing and inclusivity. Section 88(2) of the 2000 Act states that the Act extends to Northern Ireland. Finally, the specific references to Northern Ireland in the 2000 Act are considered.

Identity on Parade in Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
pp. 24-50
Author(s):  
Jonathan S. Blake
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Other ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The Past ◽  
Marching Bands ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Orange Order

This chapter introduces the history and political context of loyalist parades in Northern Ireland. It traces how parades have changed over the past two centuries in response to shifting political conditions. The chapter then shows how parades influence and are influenced by politics in the post–Good Friday/Belfast Agreement era. In the discussion of contemporary parading, the chapter presents data on the number of parades, paraders, and spectators, which demonstrate the prominence of the movement in Protestant society. It also describes the major parading organizations, including the Orange Order, the other loyal orders, and marching bands, and explains the main sources of disputes between Protestants and Catholics over parades.

Language and Cultural Politics in Northern Ireland

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-172
Author(s):  
Ronnie Moore
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Irish Context ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Regional Or Minority Languages

This paper presents an outline of the circumstances surrounding the current political stalemate in Northern Ireland. It considers the role of language as a key justification for the unravelling of the complex political arrangements formulated by The Belfast Agreement or Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The discussion begins by problematizing the notions of “identity” and “minority” in the Irish / Northern Irish context as an important backdrop and within the framework of the European commitment to, and Charter for, Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML). In particular it looks at historical memory, constructed history, ideology and notions of nationalism, as well as the role of politics and manipulation of language.

scholarly journals A Charter of Rights for the Island of Ireland: An Unknown Quantity in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement

2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-835 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Egan ◽  
Rachel Murray
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unknown Quantity ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Legal Document ◽  
Legal Difficulties ◽  
Final Agreement ◽  
Political Settlement

AbstractThe basic aim of the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement was to try to achieve a political settlement to the conflict in Northern Ireland. While the channels for the settlement were to be primarily institutional, the importance of safeguarding the rights of both communities in Northern Ireland by addressing equality and justice issues was recognized, to varying degrees, by all parties to the process that led to the drafting of the Agreement. As the negotiations progressed, the human rights section of the Agreement grew exponentially, moving ‘from the margins to the mainstream’ so that the final Agreement contains a whole section on human rights protections. Not only have these particular elements of the Agreement come to fruition, but they also have received a considerable amount of public and political interest as well as academic comment and analysis. Buried within the human rights chapter, however, is a concept that has so far received minimal interest or enthusiasm from any quarter. That is the reference in paragraph 10 of the ‘Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity’ chapter to the possibility of establishing an all-island Charter of Rights.The purpose of this article is threefold. First, it traces the genesis of the Charter of Rights concept through to its inclusion in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement; secondly, it examines the approach thus far taken by the Joint Committee of the two human rights commissions to the task entrusted to them in relation to the Charter by the Agreement; and finally, it explores some of the issues that need to be considered and the challenges faced by that Committee in future efforts to assist in the construction of any such Charter. In so doing, it describes the political and legal difficulties faced in attempts not only to formulate agreement on human rights but also to create a legal document which may be applicable to two jurisdictions. It concludes by suggesting ways in which the project may be progressed.

The British–Irish Council and Devolution

1999 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon Bogdanor
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Other ◽  
National State ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
The Government

THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.

Engendering transitional justice: questions of absence and silence

2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eilish Rooney
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
Women's Equality ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Practical Implications

The globalisation of transitional justice as a framework for the resolution of conflicts is a remarkable phenomenon of the post-Cold War era (Bell and Craig, 2000). In different contexts this framework has significant consequences for women’s equality. This article asserts that a conceptualisation of gender that intersects with other dimensions of inequality in state formation provides an important tool for understanding contemporary transitional justice processes. This complex tool of intersectional analysis is used to explore the issue of women’s equality in Northern Ireland’s transition. This is applied to the problems of women’s absence from negotiations and the silence in these negotiations on matters to do with women’s day-to-day lives. The Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and the enactment of the equality legislation enacted in the Northern Ireland Act 1998 are the textual sites of analysis. These documents comprise the formal transitional framework for Northern Ireland. The article examines the theoretical tensions and practical implications inherent in universal claims for women’s equality in a situation where recognition of ‘difference’ is enshrined in both the equality legislation and the mechanisms for future democratic representation. The article concludes by suggesting that transitional justice discourse can benefit from the theoretical challenges posed by intersectionality and that social stability in NI and in other conflicted societies may be strengthened through addressing the corrosive impacts of inequality.

scholarly journals Borderland Anxieties: Brexit, Upper Silesia and Irish Partitions in Recent Novels by Glenn Patterson and Szczepan Twardoch

Porównania ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 209-227
Author(s):  
Leszek Drong
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
Literary Representations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Upper Silesia ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Identity Crises ◽  
Primary Focus ◽  
Political Decisions

Northern Ireland owes its existence to a partition of Ireland that took place a century ago. The knottiest problems involved in the UK’s recent divorce with the European Union can be traced back not only to the Belfast Agreement of 1998 but also to the establishment of a new border, and a new borderland, in the island of Ireland in 1922. The same year (1922) saw the coming into effect of a partition of Upper Silesia, which was triggered by the events and political decisions taken in 1921. The primary focus of this essay is on literary representations of crises and anxieties connected with the transformations of the geopolitical statuses of the two provinces (i.e. Northern Ireland and Upper Silesia) and selected historical, political and cultural parallels between them. Those anxieties are exemplified and illustrated by the leading characters of Glenn Patterson’s Where Are We Now? (2020) and Szczepan Twardoch’s Pokora (2020). Both novels yield to provincial readings that explore basic aporias of uprootedness, displacement, deterritorialization and identity crises, collectively identified here as borderland anxieties. In consequence, transnational and postnational perspectives that emerge from Patterson’s and Twardoch’s works count as proactive responses, encoded in literary texts, to current geopolitical crises in Europe.

The Northern Ireland Question: All-Ireland Self-Determination Post-Belfast Agreement

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor Donohue
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The People ◽  
Irish Context ◽  
Belfast Agreement ◽  
Northern Ireland Conflict ◽  
Irish People ◽  
Territorial Status ◽  
The Right

By the Belfast Agreement of 1998, the major parties involved in the Northern Ireland conflict agreed that the territorial status of Northern Ireland would be determined by the Northern Irish people and the people of the island of Ireland collectively. Although this Agreement is significant in shaping the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context, it contains within it many ambiguities. Many questions as to the nature, extent and effects of the right to self-determination in the all-Irish context still remain. These questions and issues which arise within the Agreement are resolvable with recourse to the customary international law of self-determination, particularly the law and practice relating to referenda. The Belfast Agreement is not simply of relevance in the Irish context. Rather, it offers an understanding of the limitations which may be imposed on the right to self-determination, and serves as a model for the resolution of self-determination disputes.

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