Preferences in Between: Moderates in the Catalan Secessionist Conflict

Recent research on territorial preferences focuses on explaining who supports or opposes independence. However, this research overlooks the relevance of an “intermediate” category of citizens who may oppose the territorial status quo of a sub-state territory but not support independence. We use evidence from the critical case of Catalonia to illustrate the relevance of individuals with such preferences for policies and outcomes highly relevant to secessionist conflicts. We present four sets of findings using two-wave panel data from December 2017 (just prior to the December regional elections when Catalan independence was the most salient and contentious issue) and September 2018. First, we find that a sizable plurality within Catalonia supports greater autonomy short of independence; conventional sociodemographic variables explaining support for independence do not strongly account for this preference. Second, such pro-autonomy individuals have considerably more intermediate attitudes regarding the key “on the ground” actions that the Spanish and Catalan governments pursued during the crucial independence drive in 2017. They were more opposed than pro-independence individuals to the unilateral independence efforts, and more opposed than pro-status quo individuals to the Spanish government’s actions to counter these efforts. Third, they expressed emotions around the secessionist conflict similar to pro-status quo individuals. Finally, using an embedded survey experiment, we find that pro-autonomy individuals are more trusting of both the central and regional governments regarding their abiding by an agreement to resolve the conflict, and are less easily “polarized” through priming. Overall, these findings indicate the importance of further analyzing individuals with intermediate territorial views in secessionist conflicts.

Analysis of changes in the administrative-territorial status of monoprofile cities of Donbas (late 1940s – 1980s)

Transformations of the administrative-territorial status of monoprofile cities of Donbas in the context of development of structural-settlement structure of the region in the late 1940s and 1980s are considered. The urgency of the study is due to the reform of decentralization in Ukraine – changes in the order of local self-government and territorial organization of power. Its goal is to create communities that are self‑sufficient and effective in the economic, administrative and socio‑cultural dimensions. In the course of reform, monoprofile cities often acquire the status of centers of united territorial communities. In assessing the relevance of such decisions to the purpose of the reform, it is advisable to examine the relationship of structural-settlement, socio-economic and administrative-territorial status of these cities in historical retrospect. It turns out that the monoprofile cities of the region are an industrial-urban phenomenon, the genesis of which influenced the formation of the specifics of the settlement structure of Donbas. During the study period, the number of such cities more than doubled, reaching more than sixty cities in the late 1980s. Their share among the settlements of the region with the administrative status of a city was at that time two thirds. The emergence of monoprofile cities in the region in large numbers in the 1940s – 1980s is associated with government-industrial policy. At the same time, the structural and settlement importance of these settlements was reflected in their acquisition of the administrative-territorial status of region or district cities. From the beginning of the study period, the vast majority of cities with a narrow industrial base in the region belonged to the cities of district subordination, as they did not meet high enough urban criteria. In the urbanized region, in the presence of other, more powerful urban centers, the corresponding role in the administrative-territorial organization programmed the secondary nature of their structural settlement development. In particular, it did not contribute to the formation of micro-regions around these cities, which must be taken into account in the current conditions of reforming local self-government and territorial organization in the country.

Philippines shows new willingness to confront China

Significance Whitsun Reef lies in waters Manila claims as its exclusive economic zone (EEZ). China’s move met with an unexpectedly strong response from Manila, combining strong rhetoric, diplomatic protests and several releases of photographs from the scene. Impacts China’s presence suggests a possible interest in occupying the atoll. Whitsun Reef may have territorial status under international law, complicating Manila’s efforts to claim the area as part of its EEZ. Hanoi’s own claim to Whitsun Reef could either help or hinder Manila’s opposition to China’s presence.

Borneo – trudna przeszłość, poplątane tożsamości. Indonezyjsko-malajska konfrontacja 1963–1966

Borneo, the largest of the Sunda Islands, was already divided during the colonial period. Its southern part belonged to the Dutch East Indies. To the north, there were the territories of North Kalimantan, part of the British Federation of Malaya. The President of the Republic of Indonesia, Ahmed Sukarno, supported anti-colonial movements around the world. Moreover, in 1962, Indonesia launched a military operation that attached West Irian, a Dutch overseas territory in the eastern tip of New Guinea. This operation gained international support.When Great Britain revised its Far East policy in the late 1950s, London gave independence to the Federation of Malaya, known as Malaysia since that time. From then on, the country was part of the Commonwealth of Nations. President Sukarno, remembering the success of the 1962 operation, considered newly established Malaysia to be only a new incarnation of English colonial politics. In April 1963, Jakarta began invading northern Borneo to annex these lands to Indonesia. The invasion met with strong resistance from the Commonwealth of Nations. After three years of struggle, the territorial status quo from before the conflict was re-established. The invasion and its high costs shook President Sukarno’s position. As a result, he was overthrown by General Suharto and the previously pursued policy of supporting anti-colonialism ended, although Indonesia remained a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, one of whose spiritual fathers was Ahmed Sukarno.

“Rather Than Recognize This Wretched Imposture”

This chapter focuses on Edward Everett, who was perturbed at the idea of Mormons getting their own territory or state under the name of Deseret. It recounts how Mormon leaders had petitioned Congress for admission as a state, with territorial status as a “plan B.” It also highlights the key source of Everett's consternation with the proposed name of “Deseret” and his overall suspicion toward religious zealotry and charismatic religious leaders. The chapter talks about Everett's letter of protest to his friend, John C. Winthrop, regarding the Mormon's request for statehood, which illuminates a formative moment in Utah and Mormon history and a crucial moment for the Whig persuasion. It also looks into Everett's constitutional concerns about accommodating the Mormons that stemmed from his lifelong sense of the sacredness of the Union.

United Nations Constitutional Assistance

This chapter draws on the purposive analysis from the previous chapter to consider how UNCA with, and without its child, UN Territorial Administration (ITA) serves to implement certain areas of international law and public policy. It considers how the Constitution and its four ends (e.g., free markets; good governance; women’s rights) fit within the UN Charter framework. The Constitution which underpins the territorial state and confers territorial status, became in 1993, the UN’s core conflict-prevention tool. Moreover, from 1993 onwards, UNCA operated without plenary ITA in sovereign states. Given this, UNCA’s role covers four areas: (1) Right to self-determination (external and internal dimensions); (2) Conflict-Prevention; and (3) achieving public policy ends (e.g., ‘saving failed states’ and achieving good internal governance); and (4) the promotion of international policy in the area of peace and security, including peacemaking, peacebuilding, and peacekeeping. This Chapter underscores the Security Council’s key role in mandating UNCA and establishes UNCA’s salience vis-à-vis ITA. It concludes that UNCA amounts to the UN’s most intrusive form of intervention.