The Persistence of Roman Political Institutions in the West: The Problem of the Disappearance of the Empire

2013 ◽  
pp. 281-292
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
The West

Democracy and Social Justice

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Miller
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Liberal Theory ◽  
Classical Liberalism ◽  
The West ◽  
Precise Nature ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Changing Attitudes

The principles that we use to evaluate social and political institutions have affinities for one another whose precise nature is hard to establish. We sense that a person who holds a particular principle of freedom, for example, ought for consistency's sake to hold corresponding principles of authority, equality and so forth, but we are hard put to it to explain what ‘corresponding’ means here. My intention in the present paper is to examine what kind of connections may exist between the principle of democracy and various principles of social justice, and in doing so to throw some light on the evolution of liberal thinking from the classical liberalism of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to the modified form of that doctrine that is prevalent in the West today. I shall try to show that changes in the liberal theory of social justice have been intimately connected to changing attitudes towards democracy as a form of government.

scholarly journals Political Vector of Northern Sea Route Development

2015 ◽  
pp. 122-127
Author(s):  
A. A. Fomichev
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Arctic Region ◽  
Government Support ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Government

In this article the author considers the issue of exploitation of Arctic region, especially of NSR. This transport corridor is very important from geopolitical point of view. The future of NSR will be thoroughly considered and the author will pay attention to the political horizons that opens as far as the interest of international community to Arctic rises and socio-economical processes are accelerating. The political institutions which regulate exploitation of NSR, legal framework, estimations of experts from different relevant fields and the problems of exploitation of Arctic region that have emerged on grounds of the current political situation in the world - all these aspects will be considered in the article. The special attention will be paid to the possible Russian self-determined exploitation of Arctic and NSR. Even though there are considerable reserves of natural resources in Arctic, its' capacity does not afford carry out its' active exploitation in short-term. Consequently, its' capacity does not permit exclusion of exploitation of NSR on account of transit route. Saving of the current relations with Western partners and development of opportunities to exploit Arctic region on our own - the main political goals of Russia. Recent events of this year demonstrate two important forces which have an impact on the exploitation of NSR. Firstly, an important role of Russia in international exploitation of Arctic, understanding of that at the international level and interest of foreign partners in cooperation with Russia in Arctic including over the question of NSR despite exacerbation of relation with the West. Secondly, present state of Arctic territories in terms of economics and socio-political aspect does not correspond to the boost of geopolitical power of Russia in Arctic. Western sanctions seriously harm sustainable development of Arctic in short-term. However, they will accelerate political processes in the region in case Russia wants exploit Arctic and take the lead among Arctic states. There is a necessity to overcome the technological and economical lag from the West, to create better infrastructure along the coast of the Arctic Ocean, to attract human resources in High North, to increase the government support of business in Arctic.

The Venomous Course of Southwestern Opium: Qing Prohibition in Yunnan, Sichuan, and Guizhou in the Early Nineteenth Century

2003 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1109-1142 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bello
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Ethnically Diverse ◽  
Historical Narratives ◽  
The West ◽  
Southeastern China ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
Chinese Coast ◽  
Modern Economic ◽  
Primary Medium

The opium-smuggling trade that britain pursued on the eastern seacoast of China has become the symbol of China's century-long descent into political and social chaos. In the standard historical narratives of both China and Euro-America, opium is the primary medium through which the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) encountered the modern economic, social, and political institutions of the West. Consequently, opium and the Western powers' advent on the Chinese coast have become almost inextricably linked. Opium, however, was not simply a Sino-British problem geographically confined to southeastern China. It was, rather, a transimperial crisis that spread among an ethnically diverse populace and created regionally distinct problems of control for the Qing state.

scholarly journals Should humanitarian interveners promote democracy after genocide?

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Recchia
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
John Rawls ◽  
Majority Rule ◽  
Prior Experience ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The West ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Electoral Democracy ◽  
Democratic Rule

Scholars and policymakers in the West commonly hold that liberal countries that intervene to stop genocide subsequently ought to establish democratic political institutions to enable peaceful collective self-determination. I argue that this guidance is problematic. First, introducing electoral democracy in deeply ethnically divided societies – especially but not only after genocide – often results in either tyrannical majority rule or deadlocked decision making rather than inclusive self-determination. Second, normatively speaking, John Rawls made a strong case that inclusive self-determination can be achieved through ‘decent,’ less than democratic political structures that enable group-based representation. Bringing these insights together, I argue that particularly for postgenocidal societies that lack prior experience with liberal democratic rule, outside interveners should stop short of actively promoting full electoral democracy and instead consider promoting hybrid political institutions that combine popularly elected bodies with customary authority structures. Such hybrid institutions can prevent tyrannical majority rule as well as decision-making deadlock. They are also likely to fit better with local culture. Therefore, they may offer a more robust foundation for peaceful self-determination. A discussion of hybrid institutions in postwar Somaliland and Bougainville illustrates how these arrangements can facilitate peaceful self-determination in practice.

Dulles in the Suez Crisis

Worldview ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 12-15
Author(s):  
Manfred Halpern
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Management ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Suez Canal ◽  
The West ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
Management Board ◽  
The World ◽  
John Foster Dulles

Professor Herman Finer, author of fourteen books on world politics, and political institutions and philosophy, has now written a morality tale abounding with italics, capital letters, and searing words. The burden of his tale is this: In July 1956, John Foster Dulles thoughtlessly provoked a ruthless dictator into nationalizing the Universal Suez Canal Company which controls the lifeline of the West. Then Dulles compounded his sins. He failed to support our closest Western allies by holding the rest of the world at bay while our friends rightfully resorted to force against a Nasser who had rejected an international management board for the Canal.

Wage indexation and the Israeli labor market: the institutional imperative

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Prager
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Wage Earner ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
Real Wages ◽  
The West ◽  
Laboring Class ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Wage Indexation ◽  
Oil Wealth

Israel is a nation replete with contradictions; its economics, politics, and sociology often defy understanding. This Jewish state, located on the periphery of the Moslem world, has few natural resources of its own, while its neighbors to the south and east enjoy the benefits of oil wealth. It is geographically Middle Eastern, yet politically finds itself considered European. Its population is predominantly Asian and African, yet its political institutions and leadership, civilization, and national cultural figures are rooted in the West. Another contradiction, less obvious but no less puzzling, provides the subject of this article. In typical periods of inflation, real wages are eroded and the laboring class suffers from a reduction in its purchasing power. Yet in the inflationary economy characteristic of most of Israel's existence, the wage-earner has managed to escape the harm threatened by the ever-diminishing value of the currency. The ostensible explanation—indexed wage contracts— appear to be inadequate, for such agreements never provided full de jure coverage against inflationary erosion.

23. Conclusion: Towards a Globalizing, Post- Western-Dominated World

2020 ◽  
pp. 534-550
Author(s):  
Stephanie Lawson
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Philosophy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The West ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The World

This chapter summarizes the text’s various arguments. It first considers the relationships between the study of political philosophy, political institutions, and international relations and suggests that the study of politics cannot be divorced from the study of other social sciences such as economics, sociology, psychology, philosophy, law, and history. It also contends that the study of politics should be seen as a genuinely international and comparative enterprise and explains how trends in globalization have further eroded the distinctions between domestic and international politics and between the domestic politics of individual nation-states. Finally, it discusses the rise of the so-called ‘new medievalism’, a scenario in which the world is moving towards greater anarchy; signs that global power is shifting from the West to the East; and developments showing that domestic politics and international relations are mutating.

The 1978 Spanish Constitutional Design

2020 ◽  
pp. 170-189
Author(s):  
Josep M. Vallès
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
The West ◽  
Constitutional Design ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Prospective Development ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
European Welfare State

Forty years after its making, the 1978 Spanish Constitution is now subject to growing criticism and demands for reform. This chapter examines first the context in which this constitutional design developed, and the main influences it received: the West European welfare state model, external economic and geostrategic constraints and a tight balance of power between the most significant actors in the Spanish political arena. It then points to the key founding bargains achieved during the democratic transition over traditional and new political and social issues. Finally, it assesses the constitutional design performance and looks at its prospective development. Having exceeded all its historical precedents in time and efficiency, the 1978 Constitution is now challenged by a deep social and economic unrest, a recurrent national-territorial conflict and public distrust of political institutions

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