Running and Winning: Patterns of Latino Candidate Emergence and Success in Mayoral Elections

Author(s):  
Helge Blakkisrud ◽  
Pål Kolstø

Russia encompasses the world’s second-largest migrant population in absolute numbers. This chapter explores the role migrants play in contemporary Russian identity discourse, focusing on the topic that ordinary Muscovites identified as most important during the 2013 Moscow mayoral election campaign: the large number of labour migrants in the capital. It explores how the decision to open up the elections into a more genuine contest compelled the regime candidate, incumbent mayor Sergei Sobianin, to adopt a more aggressive rhetoric on migration than otherwise officially endorsed by the Kremlin. The chapter concludes that the Moscow electoral experiment, allowing other candidates than the regime’s own hand-picked, ‘controllable’ sparring partners to run, contributed to pushing the borders of what mainstream politicians saw as acceptable positions on migrants and migration policy.


The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Lawless ◽  
Richard L. Fox

Abstract From the moment Donald Trump took the oath of office, women’s political engagement skyrocketed. This groundswell of activism almost immediately led to widespread reporting that Trump’s victory was inspiring a large new crop of female candidates across the country. We rely on a May 2017 national survey of “potential candidates” and the 2018 midterm election results to assess whether this “Trump Effect” materialized. Our analysis uncovers some evidence for it. Democrats – especially women – held very negative feelings toward Trump, and those feelings generated heightened political interest and activity during the 2018 election cycle. That activism, however, was not accompanied by a broad scale surge in women’s interest in running for office. In fact, the overall gender gap in political ambition today is quite similar to the gap we’ve uncovered throughout the last 20 years. Notably, though, about one quarter of the Democratic women who expressed interest in running for office first started thinking about it only after Trump was elected. That relatively small group of newly interested candidates was sufficient to result in a record number of Democratic women seeking and winning election to Congress. With no commensurate increase in Republican women’s political engagement or candidate emergence, however, prospects for gender parity in US political institutions remain bleak.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer ◽  
Matthew Stenberg

Abstract Aspiring dominant-party regimes often institute major institutional and political reforms at the national level to ensure they retain control. However, subnational politics is an important, under-studied, component of regime consolidation. This study uses mayoral races in Hungary and Poland from 2006 to 2018 to examine two factors that may inhibit dominant-party regime consolidation in local politics: the use of two-round, i.e. runoff, electoral systems and strategic coordination among opposition parties. While we find little evidence that strategic coordination can lead to widespread opposition success in single-round systems, we do find that increasing the number of candidates decreases the likelihood of the nationally dominant party winning in the first round while not affecting the second round. As such, two-round mayoral elections may be an important buffer to dominant-party regime consolidation and may provide a training ground for the future opposition.


Author(s):  
Serena Santis ◽  
Francesca Citro ◽  
Beatriz Cuadrado-Ballesteros ◽  
Marco Bisogno

The chapter seeks to contribute to the literature on determinants of local government election by adopting a different perspective focused on the effects of financial indicators on the elections of mayors. Using the agency and the public choice theory, this study implements a model where specific financial indicators—whose selection takes into account the increased autonomy and responsibility of local politicians—have been included to document their effect on mayoral re-election. Focusing on the Italian context, the chapter examines a sample of 129 municipalities during the period 2008-2014, where several elections were held. By using different estimators, findings indicate that the re-election of mayors is affected by the level of indebtedness and the current equilibrium. In addition, current spending is better valued by citizens/voters than capital expenditure, which increases the probability of being re-elected.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips

Chapter 1 begins by presenting an overview of the vicissitudes of descriptive representation in state legislatures for women and men from the four largest racial groups in the United States, from 1996 to 2015. The chapter then previews the book’s main finding: factors related to representation and candidate emergence, such as the relationship between district populations and descriptive representatives or political ambition, are shaped by race and gender simultaneously. To account for the persistence of underrepresentation among women and minorities, Chapter 1 then advances the intersectional model of electoral opportunity. The model accounts for external and internal, multilevel pressures that constrain and facilitate the realistic candidacy opportunities for white women, white men, men of color, and women of color. The chapter closes by discussing the necessity of studying Asian American women and men, and Latinas and Latinos, in order to better understand representation in a nation shaped by immigration and immigrant communities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips

Chapter 2 specifies how the book’s research design operationalizes intersectionality theory through its multi-method and multilevel data collection and analysis. This includes an expanded discussion of how using this framework to analyze Asian American women and men, and Latina and Latino candidates, facilitates new understandings of the relationship between race-gendered political processes and electoral opportunity within those communities, and more generally across other groups. The chapter then details the data collection processes for the book’s original datasets. The first is the Gender Race and Communities in Elections dataset, encompassing candidate and district demographic data for every state legislative general election from 1996 to 2015 in 49 states. Next, the American Leadership Survey of state legislators fielded in 2015 is described. And finally, the design for a multi-method case study of Asian American and Latina/o candidate emergence in Los Angeles County is presented.


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