Republican Candidate Emergence

2018 ◽  
pp. 113-137
Author(s):  
Seth C. McKee
Keyword(s):  
Candidate Emergence ◽  
Republican Candidate

A Trump Effect? Women and the 2018 Midterm Elections

The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Lawless ◽  
Richard L. Fox
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Political Ambition ◽  
Candidate Emergence ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Midterm Elections ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Negative Feelings

Abstract From the moment Donald Trump took the oath of office, women’s political engagement skyrocketed. This groundswell of activism almost immediately led to widespread reporting that Trump’s victory was inspiring a large new crop of female candidates across the country. We rely on a May 2017 national survey of “potential candidates” and the 2018 midterm election results to assess whether this “Trump Effect” materialized. Our analysis uncovers some evidence for it. Democrats – especially women – held very negative feelings toward Trump, and those feelings generated heightened political interest and activity during the 2018 election cycle. That activism, however, was not accompanied by a broad scale surge in women’s interest in running for office. In fact, the overall gender gap in political ambition today is quite similar to the gap we’ve uncovered throughout the last 20 years. Notably, though, about one quarter of the Democratic women who expressed interest in running for office first started thinking about it only after Trump was elected. That relatively small group of newly interested candidates was sufficient to result in a record number of Democratic women seeking and winning election to Congress. With no commensurate increase in Republican women’s political engagement or candidate emergence, however, prospects for gender parity in US political institutions remain bleak.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Asian American ◽  
White Women ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Asian American Women ◽  
Political Ambition ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Candidate Emergence ◽  
And Gender

Chapter 1 begins by presenting an overview of the vicissitudes of descriptive representation in state legislatures for women and men from the four largest racial groups in the United States, from 1996 to 2015. The chapter then previews the book’s main finding: factors related to representation and candidate emergence, such as the relationship between district populations and descriptive representatives or political ambition, are shaped by race and gender simultaneously. To account for the persistence of underrepresentation among women and minorities, Chapter 1 then advances the intersectional model of electoral opportunity. The model accounts for external and internal, multilevel pressures that constrain and facilitate the realistic candidacy opportunities for white women, white men, men of color, and women of color. The chapter closes by discussing the necessity of studying Asian American women and men, and Latinas and Latinos, in order to better understand representation in a nation shaped by immigration and immigrant communities.

Empirical Strategies for Intersectional Research

2021 ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
Asian American Women ◽  
Candidate Emergence ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Intersectionality Theory ◽  
Data Collection And Analysis

Chapter 2 specifies how the book’s research design operationalizes intersectionality theory through its multi-method and multilevel data collection and analysis. This includes an expanded discussion of how using this framework to analyze Asian American women and men, and Latina and Latino candidates, facilitates new understandings of the relationship between race-gendered political processes and electoral opportunity within those communities, and more generally across other groups. The chapter then details the data collection processes for the book’s original datasets. The first is the Gender Race and Communities in Elections dataset, encompassing candidate and district demographic data for every state legislative general election from 1996 to 2015 in 49 states. Next, the American Leadership Survey of state legislators fielded in 2015 is described. And finally, the design for a multi-method case study of Asian American and Latina/o candidate emergence in Los Angeles County is presented.

scholarly journals EDITORIAL

Antiquity ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 90 (349) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Scarre
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Campaigns ◽  
Biblical Narrative ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Republican Candidate ◽  
Right Hand ◽  
Grain Stores ◽  
Historical Truth ◽  
Different Order

It is not often that Egyptology features in US presidential campaigns, but such was the case back in November when Republican candidate Ben Carson asserted that the pyramids of Egypt were built not for burials but as grain stores. He had held this view for some time, apparently ascertaining it from the biblical narrative that tells how Joseph was sold into slavery in Egypt, rose to be the pharaoh's right-hand man and built grain stores in the seven years of plenty to prepare for the seven lean years to follow (Genesis 41). Whether or not there is some historical truth behind that story, a leap of faith of an entirely different order is required to believe that the pyramids were the grain stores in question. Carson's theory has been widely—and quite properly—dismissed, and one could well ask, does it matter? But surely it must. Ignorance of the past among politicians, and the public at large, is not encouraging, and if they take so little notice of evidence from archaeology, will they do any better elsewhere?

Tough Enough for the Job? How Masculinity Predicts Recruitment of City Council Members

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1094-1122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Oliver ◽  
Meredith Conroy
Keyword(s):  
City Council ◽  
Personal Attributes ◽  
Candidate Emergence ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Independent Variable ◽  
Personal Attributes Questionnaire ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Gender Influences ◽  
Elected Office

Does an individual’s gender help to explain if he or she is more or less likely to be recruited to run for political office? While the effects of sex differences on the candidate emergence process have been studied extensively, the influence of masculinity and femininity is less understood. To uncover if gender influences whether an individual is recruited to run for political office, this article relies on data from an original survey of a nationally representative sample of city council members, with the primary independent variable, individuals’ self-identified masculinity, measured by the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ). Results show that those who identify as more masculine, whether male or female, are more likely to be recruited to run for elected office. This effect holds for a variety of types of recruitment, such as political elites and women’s organizations. The findings add an important dimension to the supply-side explanations for women’s underrepresentation.

scholarly journals Electoral College bias and the 2020 presidential election

2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (45) ◽  
pp. 27940-27944 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert S. Erikson ◽  
Karl Sigman ◽  
Linan Yao
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Electoral College ◽  
Popular Vote ◽  
The Past ◽  
Electoral Vote ◽  
Republican Candidate

Donald Trump’s 2016 win despite failing to carry the popular vote has raised concern that 2020 would also see a mismatch between the winner of the popular vote and the winner of the Electoral College. This paper shows how to forecast the electoral vote in 2020 taking into account the unknown popular vote and the configuration of state voting in 2016. We note that 2016 was a statistical outlier. The potential Electoral College bias was slimmer in the past and not always favoring the Republican candidate. We show that in past presidential elections, difference among states in their presidential voting is solely a function of the states’ most recent presidential voting (plus new shocks); earlier history does not matter. Based on thousands of simulations, our research suggests that the bias in 2020 probably will favor Trump again but to a lesser degree than in 2016. The range of possible outcomes is sufficiently wide, however, to even include some possibility that Joseph Biden could win in the Electoral College while barely losing the popular vote.

US media consumption will promote partisan gridlock

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Media Consumption ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Political Coalitions ◽  
Republican Candidate ◽  
The Media

Significance Despite reports that nearly all the reviewed emails were duplicates already screened by the FBI, Republican candidate Donald Trump has condemned Comey's announcement as evidence of a "totally rigged system". The partisan positioning on Clinton's emails raises questions as to how voters form opinions on complicated or uncertain events and whether the media landscape affects their voting patterns and policy preferences. Impacts If Clinton wins on November 8, challenging the legitimacy of her presidency is a likely source of post-election Republican unity. Reform-minded Republican elites are unlikely to succeed with post-election moderation of their party's policy positions. However, the aging in the white electorate and growth in the non-white populations could fragment present political coalitions.

Republican Candidate Picks Fight with Darwin

Science ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 209 (4462) ◽  
pp. 1214-1214 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Holden
Keyword(s):  
Republican Candidate
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