The role of multilateral institutions

Author(s):  
Agi Kiss ◽  
Gonzalo Castro ◽  
Kenneth Newcombe

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dzimiri

The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) represents one of the key normative developments towards mitigating global human rights violations. Normatively, the RtoP advances the notion of responsible sovereignty by obligating states to protect their people from humanitarian catastrophe and emphasises the residual role of the international community in the event of lack of capacity or the state's unwillingness to protect. It is in this context that this article examines RtoP mitigation measures instituted by the South African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) as regional multilateral institutions in responding to the crisis in Zimbabwe. The article considers the extent to which the responses have been guided implicitly or explicitly by RtoP principles. The evolution and consolidation of the humanitarian crisis has been considered, with specific focus on the human security impact of government policies, in particular, Operation Murambatsvina (the destruction of what were deemed illegal housing structures in major cities in Zimbabwe in May 2005) and the unprecedented 2008 electoral violence as a result of increased militarisation of governance structures. Debate on the applicability of RtoP to the crisis in Zimbabwe is thus located within the broader framework of the normative theories of international relations that forms the basis of RtoP. The article argues that escalation of the government induced humanitarian crisis was as a result of lack of timeous or effective responses by both the AU and SADC. Again, the AU and SADC responses were significantly influenced by diverse, often mutually exclusive, interpretations of the main causes of the crisis. Another salient finding is the extent to which politicisation of RtoP and lack of political will undermined RtoP operationalisation. 


Author(s):  
Erik Voeten

Today's liberal international institutional order is being challenged by the rising power of illiberal states and by domestic political changes inside liberal states. Against such a backdrop, this book offers a broader understanding of international institutions by arguing that the politics of multilateralism has always been based on ideology and ideological divisions. The book develops new theories and measures to make sense of past and current challenges to multilateral institutions. It presents a straightforward theoretical framework that analyzes multilateral institutions as attempts by states to shift the policies of others toward their preferred ideological positions. It then measures how states have positioned themselves in global ideological conflicts during the past seventy-five years. Empirical chapters illustrate how ideological struggles shape the design of international institutions, membership in international institutions, and the critical role of multilateral institutions in militarized conflicts. The book also examines populism's rise and other ideological threats to the liberal international order. It explores the essential ways in which ideological contestation has influenced world politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-28
Author(s):  
Mounira Hamed-Sidhom ◽  
Nadia Loukil

The paper aims to examine the relationship between International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS) adoption and the perceived level of corruption in developing countries. It also attempts to inspect the mediating effect of political stability on this relationship. We follow the methodology used by the International Federation of Accountants (IFAC) to assess country adoption status and we apply a panel regression analysis to 57 developing countries over the 2016–2019 period. Our findings suggest that country’s decision to adopt IPSAS cannot shortly lead to a reduction of its corruption perceived level. In addition, we make evidence that the level of corruption does not matter on the relationship between the IPSAS adoption and the corruption perceived level. We find also that political stability, while decreases corruption, doesn’t contribute to enhance the effect of IPSAS adoption on the perceived corruption level. This paper provides insights into the role of IPSAS adoption to countries’ corruption levels. It will be of interest to accounting standard-setters, regulators, and policymakers in countries that are transitioning to or considering International Public Sector Accounting Standards. It will also be of interest to regulators and policymakers, multilateral institutions in their effort to fight corruption


Author(s):  
Sarah Blodgett Bermeo

The evidence throughout the book illustrates that industrialized states view development promotion as a key component in foreign policy. The concluding chapter offers synthesis and considers the potential impact of these findings for related areas of research. The shift toward targeted development implies that there may be changes over time in the effectiveness of development policy. Additionally, it suggests that while development promotion has increased in some countries, those not targeted may find themselves left even further behind. Finally, the desire for targeting calls for a rethinking of the role of multilateral institutions on development issues. It is useful to think of bilateral and multilateral development efforts as complements that can capitalize on the desire for bilateral development promotion while using multilateral channels to provide development assistance that is left off the bilateral foreign policy agenda.


Author(s):  
Janina Barkholdt

In light of increased pressure on multilateral institutions, this article assesses the contribution of international organizations (IOs) to shaping international law. For that purpose, it analyses the recent work of the International Law Commission (ILC) regarding the role of IOs and its reception by States. The article argues that States do not perceive IOs as a relic of bygone times. Instead, the sceptical attitude of some States seems to be based primarily on a lack of conceptual clarity with regard to IO practice. Yet, a changing geopolitical landscape increases the pressure on lawyers to explain firstly, that the relevance of IO practice finds support in international law (and not only in favourable power relations), and secondly, that the law provides means to integrate a more plural international order within a common framework. On that basis, the article sketches possible approaches to four issues which were left open by the ILC.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-100
Author(s):  
Clint Work

After the Cold War, conditions appeared ripe for the formation of new multilateral institutions that would have more accurately reflected the altered distribution of power in East Asia. However, no new or robust institutions were established. Despite the value of certain historical and structural arguments, this study emphasizes the role of the United States in contributing to this outcome. Building upon critical historiography, this article sketches three frames of U.S. foreign policy held by U.S. elites (including: expansion, preponderance, and exceptionalism), traces their operation in the discourse and rationales behind U.S. policy during the post-Cold War interregnum, and argues that these frames worked against any attempt by the United States to establish new multilateral institutions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward S. Herman ◽  
David Peterson

From June 2003 to August 2012, the International Atomic Energy Agency published thirty-eight full written reports on Iran's nuclear program and conducted numerous inspections in the country. Yet although the Agency has never determined that Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons, Iran has never been able to free itself from the relentless U.S. campaign against its nuclear program. This article shows how the United States has mobilized the multilateral institutions to place Iran's nuclear program on the international stage and kept it there. It also examines the parallel role played by the news media, which have resumed their role of a decade ago when they helped Washington make a fraudulent case for invading Iraq on “weapons of mass destruction” grounds. The essay contends that the alleged Iranian nuclear weapons threat is a U.S. and Israeli propaganda construct intended to mask their own real threat to attack Iran.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document