scholarly journals Polish Veterans of the Polish Armed Forces in the West: Who Decided to Emigrate to the USA and Canada after World War II – an Oral History Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 146 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-563
Author(s):  
Kamil Kartasiński ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Oral History ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
The Usa

scholarly journals A segurança do Japão e os Estados Unidos da América

1969 ◽  
pp. 115-132
Author(s):  
Paulo Daniel Watanabe
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
International System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Bases ◽  
World War ◽  
Okinawa Island ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Japanese Archipelago

Since the end of World War II the issues regarding Japan’s security and defense have been discussed as a natural continuation of the American Foreign Policy. Although Japan is said to decide its own foreign policy by itself after getting back its sovereignty in the 50’s，Washington has always been deciding along with Japan and justifying its acts on the conflicting international system. At the end of World War II the Cold War was the main reason for the USA to take part almost by itself in the protection of the Japanese archipelago* Nowadays，Japan is still constitutionally prohibited from maintaining conventional armed forces having to delegate this mission to the USA, which has military bases on Okinawa Island- The negative impacts of this policy are already felt by Japan especially under the constant threats from North Korea and the military and economic growth of China. After the attacks of September 11th 2001，new government leaders have been trying to make Japan less dependent on the USA. Washington will not abandon its regional policy，as shown by Prime Minister Hatoyama’s fall. For some authors，Japan must have independent deterrence ways to guarantee its security and integrity in a still hostile environment shaped by the disasters of Japan's imperialist era. This article intends to analyze the evolution of Japan's defense policy since the occupation of the Allied Powers.

scholarly journals The Process of Equipping the Bundeswehr: Determination, “Narrow Places” and Results with Drones by the Early 2020s

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-201
Author(s):  
Ph. O. Trunov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
High Tech ◽  
World War ◽  
Industrial Base ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
German Armed Forces ◽  
The Usa

The usage of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) has been becoming one of the factors of the armed conflicts development and also the regulation of them. It means that readiness and ability to use UAVs effectively and the scale of equipping the armed forces with UAVs are rather important criteria of the legal capacity of the state armed forces. The article tries to explore the development of this process on the example of German armed forces which traditionally has had rather developed and high-tech industrial base.The Bundeswehr`s equipping with drones allows not only to decide some military-tactical problems but also to fill the shortage of personnel. It is too important in the context of the planned growth of all parameters of German armed forces for long-term perspective. The article presents the types of the Bundeswehr non-combat, especially recon drones, the features of their usage in zones of the armed conflicts. The Bundeswehr faces some difficulties in the question of equipping by non-combat drones. The article also pays attention to German cooperation with the USA and the EU member states in the sphere of the creating and production of military robots. The author pays special attention to question of the Bundeswehr`s equipping by combat UAVs. This idea actively and at the same time smoothly is promoted by CDU/CSU leaders for a decade. The discussion in the Bundestag is shown (its active phases were in spring and especially autumn of 2020). The article also issues the consequences of possible positive decision of the question of Bundeswehr`s equipping by armed drones. It will mean gradual departure from commitment of “strategic restraint” that is historically determined by Germany’s responsibility for starting World War II.

scholarly journals COVID Lockdowns, Social Distancing, and Fatal Car Crashes: More Deaths on Hobbesian Highways?

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 238-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marshall W. Meyer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Traffic Safety ◽  
Motor Vehicle ◽  
Road Traffic ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Traffic Volume ◽  
Similar Data ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Distancing ◽  
The Usa

Abstract Research Question What happened to US traffic safety during the first US COVID-19 lockdown, and why was the pattern the opposite of that observed in previous sudden declines of traffic volume? Data National and local statistics on US traffic volume, traffic fatalities, injury accidents, speeding violations, running of stop signs, and other indicators of vehicular driving behavior, both in 2020 and in previous US economic recessions affecting the volume of road traffic. Methods Comparative analysis of the similarities and differences between the data for the COVID-19 lockdown in parts of the USA in March 2020 and similar data for the 2008–2009 global economic crisis, as well as other US cases of major reductions in traffic volume. Findings The volume of traffic contracted sharply once a COVID-19 national emergency was declared and most states issued stay-at-home orders, but motor vehicle fatality rates, injury accidents, and speeding violations went up, and remained elevated even as traffic began returning toward normal. This pattern does not fit post-World War II recessions where fatality rates declined with the volume of traffic nor does the 2020 pattern match the pattern during World War II when traffic dropped substantially with little change in motor vehicle fatality rates. Conclusions The findings are consistent with a theory of social distancing on highways undermining compliance with social norms, a social cost of COVID which, if not corrected, poses potential long-term increases in non-compliance and dangerous driving.

II. Policy Formulation for National Security

1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sidney W. Souers
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
National Security ◽  
Economic Effect ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
World War ◽  
War Aims ◽  
Military Campaign

The National Security Council, created by the National Security Act of 1947, is the instrument through which the President obtains the collective advice of the appropriate officials of the executive branch concerning the integration of domestic, foreign, and military policies relating to the national security. An outline of the genesis of this new governmental agency will indicate in part its present rôle.Even before World War II, a few far-sighted men were seeking for a means of correlating our foreign policy with our military and economic capabilities. During the war, as military operations began to have an increasing political and economic effect, the pressure for such a correlation increased. It became apparent that the conduct of the war involved more than a purely military campaign to defeat the enemy's armed forces. Questions arose of war aims, of occupational policies, of relations with governments-in-exile and former enemy states, of the postwar international situation with its implications for our security, and of complicated international machinery.

scholarly journals After Liberal Hegemony: The Advent of a Multiplex World Order

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitav Acharya
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Culturally Diverse ◽  
World Order ◽  
First Century ◽  
World War ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The West ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
China And India ◽  
International Stability

While the West woke up to the threat to the liberal international order when Donald Trump was elected U.S. president, its decline was apparent even at the height of the Obama-Clinton era. What follows the end of the U.S.-dominated world order is not a return to multipolarity as many pundits assume. The twenty-first-century world—politically and culturally diverse but economically and institutionally interlinked—is vastly different from the multipolar world that existed prior to World War II. China and India are major powers now; and globalization will not end, but will take on a new form, driven more by the East than the West and more by South-South linkages than North-North ones. The system of global governance will fragment, with new actors and institutions chipping away at the old UN-based system. Liberal values and institutions will not disappear, but will have to coexist and enmesh with the ideas and institutions of others, especially those initiated by China. This “multiplex world” carries both risks and opportunities for managing international stability. Instead of bemoaning the passing of the old liberal order, the West should accept the new realities and search for new ways to ensure peace and stability in partnership with the rising powers.

Choice in the West

1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Working Out

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.

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