Class Politics or Accident of War? Liberalism and the Rise of Labour 1906-18

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
J. C. D. Clark

Chapter 3 surveys a number of themes, issues, and campaigns to discern how far Paine fits within each: populist language, universal suffrage based on natural rights, the abolition of poverty, women’s emancipation, anti-slavery, cosmopolitanism, Irish emancipation, and the championing of ‘revolution’ as such. In case after case, it finds that Paine’s position has been exaggerated or misconceived. His language was carefully contrived, and his rhetoric echoed that of contemporary preaching rather than populist politics; his ideas on poverty stemmed from England’s ‘old poor law’, not from future class politics; he disapproved of slavery in private but largely ignored it in public, and was not part of the anti-slavery movement; he was a monoglot exile, not at home in other countries; he did not see the significance of Irish disaffection; and he did not theorize ‘revolution’ as such.


Author(s):  
John Gray ◽  
Mike Baynham

This chapter considers the phenomenon of queer migration from a linguistic perspective, paying particular attention to the constitutive role of spatial mobility in narrative and its role in the construction of queer migrant identities. The chapter begins by looking at the way in which queer migration has been discussed in the literature and then moves on to address three different types of queer migration in greater depth: migration within national borders from the village/countryside to the city; migration between cities in member states within the context of the European Union; and finally, asylum-seeking within the context of migration from the Global South to the Global North. The chapter concludes by suggesting that queer migration is a complex phenomenon in which the intersection of sexuality, gender identity, desire, affect, abjection, economic necessity, class, politics, and fear for one’s life combine in ways that are unique in the lives of individual migrants.


2018 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mads Thau

Abstract In Denmark, as in other Western European countries, the working class does not vote for social democratic parties to the same extent as before. Yet, what role did the social democratic parties themselves play in the demobilization of class politics? Building on core ideas from public opinion literature, this article differs from the focus on party policy positions in previous work and, instead, focuses on the group-based appeals of the Social Democratic Party in Denmark. Based on a quantitative content analysis of party programs between 1961 and 2004, I find that, at the general level, class-related appeals have been replaced by appeals targeting non-economic groups. At the specific level, the class-related appeals that remain have increasingly been targeting businesses at the expense of traditional left-wing groups such as wage earners, tenants and pensioners. These findings support a widespread hypothesis that party strategy was crucial in the decline of class politics, but also suggests that future work on class mobilization should adopt a group-centered perspective.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
P Cooke

The question of whether class or territory is the stronger basis of social mobilisation is examined. It is suggested that the economic problems being experienced by many older industrial areas can give rise to regional coalitions that seek to transcend class antagonisms in order to press for state investment to improve regional growth and employment prospects. But it is further argued that, because of the heterogeneity of the sociospatial base in such regions, supralocal coalitions will be vulnerable to the effects of allocative decisions favouring particular within-region locations. The notion of the vulnerability of regional social bases to the expression of local class interests is explored in the context of industrial South Wales. This region has been subject to successive attempts at economic revival, often in response to an apparently coherent regional voice pressing for state regional interventions. Important parts of various policies for restructuring the regional economy have been defeated in the past, precisely because of the impotence of regional coalitions to carry disadvantaged local class groupings along with them. On occasions, such local class groupings have been capable of mobilising popular support, indicating more the defensive than offensive nature of their power.


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