scholarly journals Women's Suffrage in the Austrian Half of the Habsburg Monarchy 1848–1918

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Marie Therese Mundsperger

Although it is largely unknown, women had some voting rights in the 19th century in the Habsburg monarchy, especially the right to vote in the municipality and on the provincial level. Suffrage at that time was based on the two pillars of property and education rather than gender. It was undisputed for a long time that women could get the right to vote due to their tax payments. The fact that women could also be included into the ‘intelligence’ electoral class was controversial, as shown by some decisions by the Austrian high courts. It was only towards the end of the 19th century that the gender criterion began to prevail in election regulations and women were increasingly excluded from the right to vote, which led to the emergence of the Austrian women’s movement. The monarchy fell in 1918 and the granting of universal women’s voting rights was finally embodied in the proclamation of the Austrian republic on 12 November 1918.

1995 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul H. Brietzke

Benjamin Disraeli took a calculated “leap in the dark” in 1867, when he extended the right to vote to almost all British men. With hindsight, his leap can be seen to have been a necessary (but not sufficient) means of defusing discontent and promoting democratization. Ethiopia seems poised for an even bigger constitutional leap into a murkier realm, into an ethnicized attempt at democratization. To gain acceptance, a new constitution like Ethiopia's must seem to be all things to all people and, in Ethiopia and elsewhere, the end of the Cold War has seen an explosion of ethnic nationalisms similar to the one occurring in Europe late in the 19th century. Without benefit of hindsight one can only make informed guesses about the effects of a new Ethiopian “constitutionalism” on events which are largely beyond the drafters’ control. I will argue that there are grounds for a guarded optimism over Ethiopia's leap.


Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurman Kholis

Abstract. Many Muslims in the Riau Islands do not know the history of the development of Islamic theory from the center of power to spread to various corners. This is as the existence of the Great Mosque of Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) on Buru Island, Karimun. Thus, to uncover the existence of this mosque, qualitative research methods are used so that history, architecture, and socio-religious functions can be known. Based on the results of the study it was concluded that the establishment of MBRHAG was initiated by Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. He was the first Amir (sub-district level government) of the kingdom of Riau-Lingga on Buru Island, in the 19th century. The architecture is a Chinese. Therefore, on the right side of this mosque is around 200 m, there is also the Sam Po Teng Temple and the Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Thus, the close location of the mosque with Chinese and Confucian worship houses's shows a harmonious relationship between Malay Muslims and Chinese Buddhists. In fact, in the continuation of this relationship there was information that a Chinese Buddhist had joined a Muslim friend to fast for half a month of Ramadan.Keywords: Mosque, Malay Muslims, Chinese Buddhists/Confucians, Harmonious RelationsAbstrak. Umat Islam di Kepulauan Riau banyak yang tidak mengenal sejarah perkembangan ajaran Islam dari pusat kekuasaan hingga tersebar ke berbagai pelosok. Hal ini sebagaimana keberadaan Masjid Besar Raja Haji Abdul Ghani (MBRHAG) di Pulau Buru, Karimun. Dengan demikian, untuk mengungkapkan keberadaan masjid ini digunakan metode penelitian kualitatif  agar dapat diketahui sejarah, arsitektur, dan fungsi sosial keagamaannya.  Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa pendirian MBRHAG diprakarsai oleh Raja Haji Abdul Ghani. Ia adalah Amir (pemerintah setingkat kecamatan) pertama kerajaan Riau-Lingga di Pulau Buru, pada abad ke-19. Adapun arsitekturnya adalah seorang Tionghoa. Karena itu, di sebelah kanan masjid ini sekitar 200 m juga terdapat Kelenteng Sam Po Teng dan cetya Tri Dharma Dewa Bumi. Dengan demikian, dekatnya lokasi masjid dengan rumah ibadah umat Tionghoa dan Khonghucu ini menunjukkan hubungan yang harmonis antara muslim Melayu dengan Budhis Tionghoa. Bahkan, dalam kelangsungan hubungan ini terdapat informasi seorang Buddhis Tionghoa pernah ikut temannya yang beragama muslim untuk berpuasa selama setengah bulan Ramadhan.Kata Kunci: Masjid, Muslim Melayu, Buddhis/Khonghucu Tionghoa, Hubungan Harmonis


Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 379-389
Author(s):  
Wilfried Dewachter

The great promises that "Statistik" yielded in the 19th century in Belgium, did  not materialise. At least as far as political statistics are concerned. In the second half of the 20th century the output was rather limited and thus very incomplete, not very professionally conceived and elaborated, disorderly provided, strongly related to an outrunned institutional approach and thus quite conservative in its orientation, veiled in inaccurate categories with the static view rather dominant. Therefore, starting from a global approach of the 3 P's (=polity, politics and policy), a rebuilding is necessary. This should provide for an inventory of existing statistical data and -above all -a masterplan to achieve a straightforward view on the 3 P's in Belgium: polity, politics and policy. A polyarchy has the right and the need to in depth information that is as complete as feasible. Statistics are very handy tools to provide this information to both policymakers and citizens.


1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Zorgbibe

“Whenever a large organized group believes it has the right to resist the sovereign power and considers itself capable of resorting to arms, war between the two parties should take place in the same manner as between nations…” This statement by de Vattel in the 19th century seemed destined to take its place as a part of positive law, constituting part of what was known as recognition of belligerency, tantamount to the recognition by the established government of an equal status for insurgents and regular belligerents. When a civil war became extensive enough, the State attacked would understand that it was wisest to acknowledge the existence of a state of war with part of the population. This would, at the same time, allow the conflict to be seen in a truer light. The unilateral action of the legal government in recognizing belligerency would be the condition for granting belligerent rights to the parties. It would constitute a demonstration of humanity on the part of the government of the State attacked and would also provide that government with prospects for effective pursuit of the war. By admitting that it was forced to resort to war, it would at least have its hands free to make war seriously.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
Constantin Vadimovich Troianowski

This article investigates the process of designing of the new social estate in imperial Russia - odnodvortsy of the western provinces. This social category was designed specifically for those petty szlachta who did not possess documents to prove their noble ancestry and status. The author analyses deliberations on the subject that took place in the Committee for the Western Provinces. The author focuses on the argument between senior imperial officials and the Grodno governor Mikhail Muraviev on the issue of registering petty szlachta in fiscal rolls. Muraviev argued against setting up a special fiscal-administrative category for petty szlachta suggesting that its members should join the already existing unprivileged categories of peasants and burgers. Because this proposal ran against the established fiscal practices, the Committee opted for creating a distinct social estate for petty szlachta. The existing social estate paradigm in Russia pre-assigned the location of the new soslovie in the imperial social hierarchy. Western odnodvortsy were to be included into a broad legal status category of the free inhabitants. Despite similarity of the name, the new estate was not modeled on the odnodvortsy of the Russian provinces because they retained from the past certain privileges (e.g. the right to possess serfs) that did not correspond to the 19th century attributes of unprivileged social estates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Bäumler

ABSTRACT Democracy means power to the people, but it is not always clear who belongs to "the people". The question has become pertinent in the age of migration where large groups of foreigners permanently reside outside their countries of nationality. The economic, cultural, and political integration of these foreigners is one of the pressing problems faced by democratic States in both the developed and developing worlds. One question is : whether resident non-citizens should be granted the right to vote. The answer to this question depends on who belongs to "the people". In federal and quasi-federal States with multiple levels of government the further question arises : whether "the people" is a homogenous concept that applies uniformly across all levels of government. This article contributes to the debate about the right of foreigners to vote in democratic States with multiple levels of government, such as, South Africa and Kenya. It does so by discussing the German response to the problems mentioned above. The dominant view of the German Federal Constitutional Court since the 1990s has been that "the people" only includes "German citizens" , and that attempts by lower levels of government to extend the right to vote to foreigners from Africa and elsewhere are unconstitutional. In this article I explore and critique this conventional view. I then present a positive case for the extension of voting rights to resident non-citizens under the German Constitution. Many of the arguments would apply with equal force to the debate about the right to vote of foreigners in African multi-level democracies, such as, South Africa and Kenya. Keywords: Denizenship, Citizenship, Voting rights, Nationality law, Multi-level government, The people, Foreigners, Residents, Affected persons principle, Democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
Sergey Valentinovich Lyubichankovskiy

The paper contains analysis of development tendencies of the Russian Empire foreign trade with Central Asian khanates in the first quarter of the 19th century. The authors found that the Russian State didnt pay much attention to the Asian customs policy in this direction for a long time. It was due to the fact that the trade with Central Asian khanates was of exchange and caravan character. The author came to the conclusion that the heads of the Orenburg Region - military and civil governors - made great efforts to change that situation and made special rules for the foreign trade development in the Orenburg Region. It promoted commodity turnover increase. The author proved that in the first quarter of the 19th century the most important element of Central Asian trade development crisis in the Orenburg direction was the fact that merchants from Central Asia dominated Russian merchants in the numerical ratio. However, the ministry of finance and E.F. Kankrin refused to forbid Central Asian merchants to trade at internal Russian fairs as it would result in stagnation in trade and would make prices for goods higher. This problem for the first quarter of the 19th century couldnt be solved as it was connected with the geopolitical status quo existing in the region. It only started to get solutions with an active military advance of Russia to Central Asia in the second half of the 19th century.


Muzikologija ◽  
2015 ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Melita Milin

The common denominator in the careers of two contemporaries and great men, citizens of Austria-Hungary - Leos Jan?cek and Sigmund Freud - was that, in spite of their status as outsiders, they managed to achieve well-deserved recognition. Both non-Germans, they had to surmount a number of obstacles in order to attain their professional goals. The Slavophile Jan?cek dreamed for a long time of success in Prague, which came at last in 1916, two years before a triumph in Vienna. Freud had serious difficulties in his academic career because of the strengthening of racial prejudices and national hatred which were especially marked at the end of the 19th century. After the dissolution of the Empire things changed for the better for the composer, whose works got an excellent reception in Austria and Germany, whereas the psychiatrist had to leave Vienna after the Anschluss.


2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Reiter

AbstractThe present article focuses on court interpreters at the Imperial court of Vienna, who were employed in the Habsburg Monarchy from the early 16th century until the end of the 19th century. Based on the methodological concepts of professional intercultures introduced by Anthony Pym the article discusses the question whether or not court interpreters formed a professional group at the court. Different aspects of their profession such as competencies, remuneration, duties, reputation and their place in the organization of the court are discussed. For the application of Anthony Pyms model it will be shown that two main components, time and the intern differentiation of the group, are necessary to apply the model on a professional group like the court interpreters that was a highly complex group characterized by strong changes throughout their existence.


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