Slaves

Keep the Days ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 103-137
Author(s):  
Steven M. Stowe

This chapter focuses on what (and how) southern women diarists of the slave-owning class wrote about slaves as the Civil War crushed the system of human bondage that had benefited white southerners for so long. Individual enslaved African Americans begin to show up in the pages of white women’s diaries. Diarists transcribe what many of them say and do, sometimes with hostility or fear, but often thoughtfully and with surprise. Diaries thus reveal not the “end” of slavery, but rather slavery in the midst of ending. In writing about the uncertain future that the war presented to everyone, diarists in effect gave accounts of the personal relations that had held slavery together, day by day, before the war. They sketched enslaved people as individuals, more interested in how the end of bondage revealed their connection to certain black people than they were in assessing the blanket “loyalty” of servants. Inscribing what she saw of slavery and race, a diarist discovered how slavery—enslaved people—were inseparable from all she had known as “my life.” Seeing this life explode was one story she told to her pages. Diarists’ struggle to write and to understand this (as historians do, too) is a small opening for our historical empathy with these white women who deserve no sympathy.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daisy Massey ◽  
Jeremy Faust ◽  
Karen Dorsey ◽  
Yuan Lu ◽  
Harlan Krumholz

Background: Excess death for Black people compared with White people is a measure of health equity. We sought to determine the excess deaths under the age of 65 (<65) for Black people in the United States (US) over the most recent 20-year period. We also compared the excess deaths for Black people with a cause of death that is traditionally reported. Methods: We used the Multiple Cause of Death 1999-2019 dataset from the Center of Disease Control (CDC) WONDER to report age-adjusted mortality rates among non-Hispanic Black (Black) and non-Hispanic White (White) people and to calculate annual age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people from 1999-2019. We measured the difference in mortality rates between Black and White people and the 20-year and 5-year trends using linear regression. We compared age-adjusted <65 excess deaths for Black people to the primary causes of death among <65 Black people in the US. Results: From 1999 to 2019, the age-adjusted mortality rate for Black men was 1,186 per 100,000 and for White men was 921 per 100,000, for a difference of 265 per 100,000. The age-adjusted mortality rate for Black women was 802 per 100,000 and for White women was 664 per 100,000, for a difference of 138 per 100,000. While the gap for men and women is less than it was in 1999, it has been increasing among men since 2014. These differences have led to many Black people dying before age 65. In 1999, there were 22,945 age-adjusted excess deaths among Black women <65 and in 2019 there were 14,444, deaths that would not have occurred had their risks been the same as those of White women. Among Black men, 38,882 age-adjusted excess <65 deaths occurred in 1999 and 25,850 in 2019. When compared to the top 5 causes of deaths among <65 Black people, death related to disparities would be the highest mortality rate among both <65 Black men and women. Comment: In the US, over the recent 20-year period, disparities in mortality rates resulted in between 61,827 excess deaths in 1999 and 40,294 excess deaths in 2019 among <65 Black people. The race-based disparity in the US was the leading cause of death among <65 Black people. Societal commitment and investment in eliminating disparities should be on par with those focused on other leading causes of death such as heart disease and cancer.


Author(s):  
Erik Bledsoe

This chapter discusses the emergence of a new generation of southern writers who are giving voice to a different group of southerners, forcing their readers to reexamine long-held stereotypes and beliefs while challenging the literary roles traditionally assigned poor whites. According to Linda Tate, “traditionally, southern literature has been understood to be that written by white men and, on rare occasions, by white women—and, in almost all cases, by and about white southerners of the upper middle class.” This chapter looks at three new voices who write about the Rough South and the southern poor whites from within the class: Dorothy Allison, Larry Brown, and Timothy Reese McLaurin. The term “Rough South” refers to as the world of the redneck or white trash. The terms “redneck,” “white trash,” “cracker,” and “poor white” have all been used to describe certain white southerners.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel R. Anderson ◽  
Elise Holland ◽  
Courtney Heldreth ◽  
Scott P. Johnson

The overt objectification and dehumanization of Black people has a long history throughout the Western world. However, few researchers have explored whether such perceptions still persist implicitly and whether Black women are sexually objectified at an interpersonal level. We sought to address this gap by exploring whether Black women are sexually objectified to a greater extent than White women and whether target sexualization exacerbates this effect. In Study 1, using eye-tracking technology ( N = 38), we provide evidence that individuals attend more often, and for longer durations, to the sexual body parts of Black women compared to White women, particularly when presented in a sexualized manner. In Studies 2a ( N = 120) and 2b ( N = 131), we demonstrated that Black women are implicitly associated with both animals and objects to a greater degree than White women with a Go/No-Go Association Task. We discuss the implications of such dehumanizing treatment of Black people and Black women in U.S. society. We hope that this evidence will increase awareness that objectification can happen outside the realm of conscious thought and that related interventions ought to include an ethnicity-specific component. Additional online materials for this article, including online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching, are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/page/pwq/suppl/index


Author(s):  
Nathan Cardon

Chapter 3 surveys the role women played at the Atlanta and Nashville fairs. The Cotton States and Tennessee Centennial transformed the gendered nature of public space in the South. Within their controlled and ordered boundaries, southern white women were set free from male chaperones and traditional constraints. At the fairs’ Woman’s Buildings, southern white women embraced the New Woman, while simultaneously celebrating the mythic role played by southern women in the domestic culture of the region. This chapter also explores African American women’s presence at the fairs. Southern black women created a shadow Woman’s Board and invited prominent black female speakers to the expositions. On the other end of the spectrum, black women worked in the fairs’ nurseries and kitchens. The expositions provided an opportunity for black women to speak for themselves, while constraining them in the popular stereotypes of the late nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
Melissa Milewski

Chapter 5 shows the shifts that occurred in the types of civil cases African Americans were able to litigate in southern courts at the end of the nineteenth century, as segregation and disfranchisement became increasingly written into law around the South. Even as white southerners dismantled the political system put in place during Reconstruction, they did not change the structure of the legal system. They viewed black southerners’ involvement in the courts as far less dangerous than African Americans entering the polling booth. As African American men lost the power to vote, however, the kinds of civil cases black southerners were able to litigate against whites in southern courts narrowed. Almost three quarters of their appellate civil suits in the first two decades of the twentieth century now involved particularly egregious cases of fraud in property dealings or personal injury claims and highlighted black people in dependent, vulnerable positions.


Author(s):  
Kevin M. Levin

In the post war years and into the early 20th century, former camp slaves began attending veteran reunions. For example, Steve Perry was a former camp slave who regularly spoke at United Confederate Veterans reunions. Former camp slaves often told embellished or fictional tales of their time during the war and perpetuated the loyal slave narrative. The loyal slave narrative accompanied the shift in the messaging of Lost Cause adherents from claiming slavery was beneficial for the Black race to the war was about states’ rights instead of slavery. Paintings, popular prints, and stories of camp slaves found in magazines, published reminiscences of former Confederate soldiers, promoted the narrative that Black and white southerners were united in their fight against the Union. Sometime former slaves played characters that reinforced the idea that Black people were contentedly deferential to whites. Overall, the genial reception of camp slaves at Confederate veteran reunions was not indicative of actual race relations in the post-war south.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122
Author(s):  
Alice de Fátima Nogueira de Moura ◽  
Ingrid Pereira Reis

A maneira como a mídia, em especial o jornalismo brasileiro, representa a mulher negra, ainda reforça o estereótipo racial e social pobre e sexista, além de o espaço para a veiculação de conteúdos produzidos e protagonizados por negras ser quase inexistente. A partir dessa afirmação, a problemática da pesquisa procurou responder o seguinte questionamento: qual a representatividade da mulher negra no jornalismo impresso, mais especificamente no jornal O Liberal? O objetivo geral deste trabalho foi investigar a representatividade da mulher negra no jornalismo impresso, mais especificamente no jornal O Liberal, e como objetivos específicos: pesquisar a representatividade da mulher negra no jornal em discussão; analisar a representatividade da mulher negra nesses conteúdos; comparar, o espaço de voz entre mulheres negras e brancas, e, identificar se o discurso do jornal fortalece o silenciamento das mulheres negras. Como instrumento de pesquisa, utilizou-se a entrevista semidirigida com a jornalista Sheila Faro, Presidente do Sindicato dos Jornalistas do Pará – SINJORPA, que foi transformada em material audiovisual. A conclusão aponta que o modelo atual de comunicação do jornal O Liberal fortalece o silenciamento das mulheres negras, negando a essas mulheres participação ativa em discussões essenciais para a estruturação de uma sociedade mais justa e igual.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Jornalismo Impresso; Mulher; Negritude; Representatividade.     ABSTRACT The way the media, especially Brazilian journalism, represents the black woman, still reinforces the racial and social stereotype poor and sexist, and the space for the production of content produced and carried out by black people is almost non-existent. From this statement, the research question sought to answer the following question: what is the representation of the black woman in print journalism, more specifically in the newspaper The Liberal? The general objective of this work was to investigate the representativeness of the black woman in printed journalism, more specifically in the newspaper The Liberal, and as specific objectives: to investigate the representativeness of the black woman in the newspaper under discussion; analyze the representativeness of the black woman in these contents; compare the voice space between black and white women, and identify if the newspaper's speech strengthens the black women's silence. As a research tool, the semi-directed interview with the journalist Sheila Faro, President of the Syndicate of Journalists of Pará - SINJORPA, was used, which was transformed into audiovisual material. The conclusion is that the current communication model of the newspaper O Liberal strengthens the silence of black women, denying these women an active participation in discussions essential for the structuring of a more just and equal society.   KEYWORDS: Printed journalism; Woman; Blackness; Representativity.     RESUMEN La manera como los medios, en especial el periodismo brasileño, representan a la mujer negra, todavía refuerza el estereotipo racial y social pobre y sexista, además del espacio para la difusión de contenidos producidos y protagonizados por negras ser casi inexistente. A partir de esa afirmación, la problemática de la investigación buscó responder el siguiente cuestionamiento: ¿cuál es la representatividad de la mujer negra en el periodismo impreso, más específicamente en el periódico O Liberal? El objetivo general de este trabajo fue investigar la representatividad de la mujer negra en el periodismo impreso, más específicamente en el periódico O Liberal, y como objetivos específicos: investigar la representatividad de la mujer negra en el periódico en discusión; analizar la representatividad de la mujer negra en esos contenidos; comparar, el espacio de voz entre mujeres negras y blancas, y, identificar si el discurso del periódico fortalece el silenciamiento de las mujeres negras. Como instrumento de investigación, se utilizó la entrevista semidirigida con la periodista Sheila Faro, Presidenta del Sindicato de Periodistas de Pará - SINJORPA, que fue transformada en material audiovisual. La conclusión apunta que el modelo actual de comunicación del diario O Liberal fortalece el silenciamiento de las mujeres negras, negando a esas mujeres participación activa en discusiones esenciales para la estructuración de una sociedad más justa e igual. PALABRAS CLAVE: Periodismo Impreso; las mujeres; negritud; Representatividad.


1976 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina G. Blanchard ◽  
Judith V. Becker ◽  
Ann R. Bristow

Questionnaire data from 100 white women in a Southern city were examined to learn whether women belonging to groups that focus on social change or business and professional concerns were less traditional in their attitudes and behavior patterns than women who affiliate with groups that share common religious beliefs or similar socioeconomic status and whose stated purpose has a social orientation. Women belonging to the first category of groups were more likely than the other women to combine employment with marriage and children, to have help from husbands with household duties, and to support the Equal Rights Amendment.


Keep the Days ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 70-102
Author(s):  
Steven M. Stowe

This chapter picks up a question that runs through the Civil War diaries of southern women: what is the tie between men and war, and what will war reveal about men? The question was rich enough to develop into thoughts and speculations about the nature of men, “the harder sex,” and whether the men who opted for war would have an answer to what it meant and how it would end. Diarists reflect (and worry, and sometimes joke) about worldly men who now seemed to improvise far more than they let on. They wrote about duty and morality, and how war shook up how to meet men and what to say to them. And while diarists wrote about the men they knew, they also wrote with curiosity and attraction for new men, the men war brought. So diarists wrote about love, and whether love would stand up to war—a compelling question for women and men at war, though not one often explored by historians. Women’s diaries open a door to such exploration, and to the way a diary’s page captures “timeless” themes amid a diary’s time-bound days.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Gillespie McRae

In the 1920s from Athens, Georgia, Mildred Lewis Rutherford called on white southerners to ensure that the public school maintained racial segregation and the curriculum provided a white supremacist citizenship education. She encouraged white women, the United Daughters of the Confederacy, and the United Confederate Veterans to monitor public education and to make public schools a site for the reproduction of white supremacy. If Jim Crow represented the wisdom of the age, then educators were the political nurturers of the system, and children were the repositories of their efforts. White women did their job. They censored textbooks, promoted Confederate-friendly interpretations of the Civil War, conducted essay contests, offered programs to public schoolteachers, and lobbied state textbook selection committees. They also joined Margaret Robinson and other anti-radical women across the nation to promote Americanization. White segregationist women guaranteed that white children learned the lessons of Jim Crow citizenship.


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