scholarly journals Rethinking the Option of Violence in Politics and the Fate of Tiberius Gracchus

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Gill Oluwatosin Adekannbi
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Common People ◽  
Moral Question ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Expediency ◽  
Interpretive Approach ◽  
Potential Benefits ◽  
The Common

The killing of Tiberius Gracchus along with hundreds of his supporters in factional violence has left an imprint of moral controversy. When perpetuated by the aggrieved or oppressed masses, violence is seen as an act of aggression or rebellion. However, it tends to be termed political expediency when initiated by the ruling power or its agency. Using interpretive approach, this paper sets aside justifying the murdering of Tiberius as removal of a potential tyrant who was causing public disturbance. The research, after highlighting how violence became imminent when other legitimate efforts at resolving political conflicts failed, shifts to the moral question arising from resorting to violence as the ultimate tool for achieving a political goal. Corrupt members of the Roman Senate and their supporters would share the view: ‘so perish also all others who do such things’. However, the paper notes the benefits of Tiberius’ agrarian reforms to the poor citizens and the potential benefits of the changes to the state. The conclusion is: the champion of the people had acted well enough but inconclusively to reach his goals. It remained for him and his supporters to stand against being outmaneuvered by the corrupt politicians. If violence had been used by Tiberius and his followers against the senate to succeed, the common people would have declared this as both morally justifiable and politically expedient. Hence, it is theorised that, when moral questions are unanswered in politics, violence looms and no one may have the monopoly of it.

scholarly journals Satire in Shrestha’s Ghintang Ghishi Twank

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Man Kumar Rai
Keyword(s):  
Positive Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Common People ◽  
The People ◽  
Hands On ◽  
Special Occasion ◽  
The Common

   The objective of this article is to analyze the use of satire in three poems, from Rupesh  Shrestha’s volume of poems Ghintang Ghishi Twank in order to examine use of the suffering of voiceless people. The poems depict absurdities of the society and hypocrisy of the leaders which are the causes of poor people‟s pains. This poems exhibit how follies, vices and absurdities are hurdle in transforming society into prosperous one. The poet has berated them with the aim of bringing positive change in the society and in the lives of the common people. The poet mocks at the political changes which have brought change only in the lives of political leaders, not in the lives of the people who have been ignored by the state for long. Despite many anxieties, they enjoy dancing and playing sticks in their hands on the special occasion of Gaijatra. The poems are collection of sharp words which are used to butt the corrupt politicians. For this, the elements of Juvenalian satire have been used as tools for analysis of the selected poems. This study highlights upon the anxieties of marginalized people; demonstrates the shameful act of politicians; and exposes the absurdities prevailed in the society. It indicates that the political and social absurdities are subject to be poked in order to reform a society.

scholarly journals The State of Human Rights in Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Ahmed Sohail ◽  
Ahmed Fasih ◽  
Zubair Muhammad
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Common People ◽  
The People ◽  
Level Of Satisfaction ◽  
The Common ◽  
Tribal Areas ◽  
Human Rights Violation

The respect of human rights in a society determines the destination of that society or state. It is the level of satisfaction of citizens of a country which convinces them to work for the growth and progress of that state or society. The people of FATA are living under a draconian law which is known as Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR). There is agrave human rights violation of the people of FATA under this law. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression etc. are hampered by the FCR and the common people live under a threat of collective punishment as well. Moreover, due to military operations against the militants in the area, millions of people from FATA have been displaced. At times, there are grave violations of human rights of the displaced persons as well. This paper will explore the state of human rights in FATA in general and evaluates its impact on the Federation of Pakistan. The paper evaluates different instances of human rights violation in various agencies of FATA and their root causes as well.

Agrarian Policy and Instability in Porfirian Mexico

1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Common People ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Agrarian Policy ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.

The Problem of Popular Allegiance in the English Civil War (The Prothero Lecture)

1981 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 69-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Underdown
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
Common People ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
Looking Back

The belief that the common people of England had little real sympathy for either side in the civil war—that they were mere cannon-fodder, targets for plunder, at best deferential pawns—has a long and respectable ancestry. Many of the combatants believed it, noting the automatic changes of local attitudes when news came of distant vic-tories or defeats. In postwar politics too they knew it was ‘safest to be in favour with the strongest side’. When they fought, it was because they had no alternative. How often, Anthony Ascham lamented, ‘ambitious or angry men forme subtilties and pretences, and afterwards the poore people (who understand them not) are taken out of their houses … to fight and maintaine them at the peril of one anothers lives’. Survival on the margin of subsistence was the universal motive. ‘The people,’ Sir Arthur Haselrig declared, ‘care not what Government they live under, so as they may plough and go to market.’ Looking back after 1660, men as various as Hobbes and Baxter took the same line. ‘There were very few of the common people that cared much for either of the causes, but would have taken any side for pay or plunder,’ Hobbes tells us. Baxter has been as often quoted: ‘The poor plowman understood but little of these Matters; but a little would stir up their Discontent when Money was demanded.’

scholarly journals Speaking for the People in Early Modern England*

2019 ◽  
Vol 244 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Coast
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Early Modern England ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
Common People ◽  
Wide Audience ◽  
The People ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Voice

Abstract The voice of the people is assumed to have carried little authority in early modern England. Elites often caricatured the common people as an ignorant multitude and demanded their obedience, deference and silence. Hostility to the popular voice was an important element of contemporary political thought. However, evidence for a very different set of views can be found in numerous polemical tracts written between the Reformation and the English Civil War. These tracts claimed to speak for the people, and sought to represent their alleged grievances to the monarch or parliament. They subverted the rules of petitioning by speaking for ‘the people’ as a whole and appealing to a wide audience, making demands for the redress of grievances that left little room for the royal prerogative. In doing so, they contradicted stereotypes about the multitude, arguing that the people were rational, patriotic and potentially better informed about the threats to the kingdom than the monarch themselves. ‘Public opinion’ was used to confer legitimacy on political and religious demands long before the mass subscription petitioning campaigns of the 1640s.

Społeczne i kulturowe determinanty funkcjonowania państwa u progu XXI wieku

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (282) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Macro Scale ◽  
The Common ◽  
Civic Awareness ◽  
Political Scene

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.

scholarly journals Penguatan Kampung Santri untuk Pengembangan Masyarakat Sadar Hukum di Wilayah Mangkang Kota Semarang

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Rihlatul Khoiriyah ◽  
Ali Imron ◽  
Ahmad Munif ◽  
Lathifah Munawaroh
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Common Point ◽  
The State ◽  
Cultural Approach ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Village

<p>This paper intends to see the extent of legal awareness of the community in the village area of the santri against family law derived from national legal products. The results of the study show two main points, first, the understanding of Islamic civil law (marriage and inheritance) of Mangkang region society is dominated to the accepted understanding of classical fiqh. The people of Mangkang region are not anti-starch against the civil law of Islam issued by the state in the form of positive law. Although the Mangkang area people see that both are ijtihadiyah products, but the existence of Indonesian civil law that has an administrative effect on others makes them accept a good denan. Second, a persuasive approach in the form of a cultural approach is more readily accepted by citizens. Mangkang area people feel comfortable when invited to dialogue and discussion related to Islamic civil law of Indonesia. In the end, by reaching the common point and the good that might be obtained, Indonesian civil law can be understood and well accepted.</p><p> </p><p>Tulisan ini bermaksud melihat sejauh mana kesadaran hukum masyarakat di wilayah kampung santri terhadap hukum keluarga yang bersumber dari produk hukum nasional. Hasil dari kajian menunjukkan dua hal pokok, pertama, pemahaman hukum perdata Islam (penikahan dan kewarisan)  masyarakat wilayah Mangkang didominasi kepada pemahaman yang diterima fiqh klasik. Masyarakat wilayah Mangkang tidak anti pati terhadap hukum perdata Islam yang dikeluarkan negara dalam bentuk hukum positif. Meskipun masyarakat wilayah Mangkang melihat bahwa keduanya merupakan produk ijtihadiyah, namun keberadaan hukum perdata Islam Indonesia yang memiliki dampak administratif kepada yang lainnya menjadikan mereka bisa menerima denan baik. Kedua, pendekatan persuasif dalam bentuk pendekatan budaya lebih mudah diterima oleh warga masyarakat. Masyarakat wilayah Mangkang merasa nyaman ketika diajak berdialog dan berdiskusi terkait hukum perdata Islam Indonesia. Pada akhirnya, dengan mencapai titik temu dan kebaikan yang mungkin akan didapat, hukum perdata Islam Indonesia bisa dipahami dan diterima dengan baik..</p>

Bearing Witness

2018 ◽  
pp. 184-217
Author(s):  
Santana Khanikar
Keyword(s):  
State Of Exception ◽  
Oral Histories ◽  
Common People ◽  
Bearing Witness ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Indian State ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common

This chapter discusses conflict and violence in Lakhipathar, over a period of two decades, drawing on oral histories from the people of Lakhipathar. Listening to the narratives of past sufferings here has worked not merely a tool to know what happened to the narrators in the past but it also gives a key to analyse why and how they live in the present. Apart from offering evidence towards the larger argument of the work, this part of the book has also aimed towards opening a conversation on some buried and forgotten moments in the history of the Indian state that resemble what could be called an Agambenian ‘state of exception’. The dense narratives give a picture of the collaboration and deceit, revenge and violence, suspicion and fear in war-torn Lakhipathar and how the common people negotiated their ways through these.

scholarly journals Institutions and rural economy in Rolpa district of Nepal

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 135-152
Author(s):  
Shiba Raj Pokhrel
Keyword(s):  
Rural Economy ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Target Group ◽  
Common People ◽  
Rural Municipality ◽  
The People ◽  
Local Institution ◽  
The Common ◽  
Academic Debate

This paper aims to analyze a pertinent academic debate pragmatically whether institutions assist in promoting life standard and betterment of the common people or they act just as an instrument to perpetuate poverty and fulfill the interest of vested group. To accomplish this task, Marxist, Post-Marxist theories are taken into consideration in order to indicate how an institution or the process of institutionalization as such is debated and perceived in social science academia. Likewise, the research also uses the popular research methodology of pragmatism which focuses on data collection, analysis and field study. The research is conducted in Sunil Smirti Gaupalika (Rural Municipality) of Rolpa district and focuses on the role of institutions in order to transform particularly the economic life of the people. The research divides institutions into two parts. The first one includes the governmental local institution Gaupalika. The second part includes INGO/NGOs. This division enables to decipher and historicize what these government and non government institutions have done independently and collectively to uplift the life of target group. The research finds that INGO/NGOs and locals institution in the remote village like Sunil Smirti Gaupalika have played significant roles on uniting the economically poor and make individual and collective efforts to fight against poverty. They work to find out the poor and economically weak section of the society by setting target group, generating the awareness and providing conductive environment for putting collective effort in their fight against poverty to a certain extent. Therefore, these two types of institutions have been found tremendously supportive in uniting what Marx calls “have-nots” of Sunil Smirti Gaupalika. However, the research also finds that mostly Brahmin/Chhetri communities have been benefitted by these programs. In comparison the ratio of economic growth between Brahmin-Chhetri community and Janjati community-Dalit community, the first one is found to be accelerating whereas the second one is slower and sluggish.

Discussant

1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-51
Author(s):  
Natalia Sadomskaya
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Silver Age ◽  
Interesting Article ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The People ◽  
Prague Spring ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Problems

I'll start with culture. Today we have been speaking principally about culture in the republics. I would like to address the common problems facing the post-Soviet republics. I agree with Edward Allworth that there is a crisis or trauma not only for the national intellectuals, but for intellectuals as a whole. This is especially a trauma for intellectuals who were supported by the state. They had very comfortable lives inside the institutes and the cultural unions. Now these privileges are disappearing. Previously intellectuals’ lives were characterized by a kind of self-adoration of their positions, of their purity, of their disengagement from political life, and this stance is now also in crisis. Recently, I read a very interesting article which said that today nobody wants to engage in the escapist literature that was once so popular. Nobody wants to hear about themes of history, of Egypt, the Silver Age, and so on because politics is now the hot topic in cultural life. A similar situation occurred in the Prague Spring, and we know that the results in this case were very fruitful. Havel, who was a very sophisticated journal writer, became a very contemporary, very active, and essential writer. And I consider this crisis, this struggle of intellectuals, a good sign. The people who will survive will be those whom other people read. Conversely, Chengiz Aitmatov, who was long a friend of the national struggle, who made a name for himself as a writer concerned with conditions in Kirgizia, and who was a defender of the national traditions, now prefers to be Ambassador to Luxembourg. While I was very surprised by this, this is also typical of the struggle to which I refer. Secondly, as Professor Allworth noted, it is true that Kazakh leaders

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