Presence and specificity of the political communication of the Catalan independence leaders on Twitter in the 2017 regional elections

First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.

2020 ◽  
pp. 146144482097239
Author(s):  
Antonio Pineda ◽  
Elena Bellido-Pérez ◽  
Ana I Barragán-Romero

The political use of social media is a well-established field of research. We perform a content analysis of the messages posted on Instagram—one of the fastest growing social networking sites—by the leaders of the four main political parties in Spain, with special emphasis on the interactive use of this platform and the functions played by the posts. The sample of Instagram posts includes a non-election period and a period of regional elections. The results point to a practically irrelevant use of interactive tools, and an emphasis on the self-promotion of leaders and their parties. Accordingly, the data show that Instagram is basically used by Spanish leaders as a supplement to their campaign efforts and strategic objectives. These findings are discussed and linked to broader theoretical issues such as the hypothesis of normalization and the use of the Internet for broadcasting.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhika Kumar

Political communication sets the context for a conversation between the political leaders and masses. A productive strategy of political communication would be one that successfully mobilizes its recipients for the purpose at hand which could be for a protest or for electoral support. One such strategy of communication and mobilization typical to democratic politics in India is the ‘padayatra’, which while being traditional also has a spiritual lineage. The padayatra was effectively used by Mahatma Gandhi to rally together the masses during the freedom movement, and it continues to be a politically relevant strategy used not only for mobilization but also for partisan gains that capitalize on its imagery. Electoral padayatras provide an opportunity to the politician to interact with voters in a substantive manner, understand their weltanschauung and enable its achievement. The purpose of this article is to map the changing nature of the padayatra and its appropriation by political parties as a tool of political communication.


Author(s):  
Dafne Calvo ◽  
Cristina Renedo Farpón ◽  
María Díez- Garrido

 Internet has revolutionized many aspects in the way that political parties communicate. The Network has induced a complete transformation of the political strategies used during election campaigns to spread their message to the electorate. Politicians use social networks and digital platforms to promote their messages and to communicate with citizens during these periods of time. Facebook has proven to be one of the most effective networks in this regard. The party Podemos was born in 2014 in Spain, surrounded by a deep economic, institutional and political crisis. This political party promises to be a real hope to the negative situation of the country. In the recent years, Podemos has aroused the interest of social scientists because of the innovative way they use social networks. This paper explores the cybercampaign strategies that Podemos used during the 2015 Castile and León regional elections, a region where the population is very different from the party’s average voter. To this end, a quantitative analysis of their activity on Facebook and their website was made during the regional election campaign. The results of this study allow us to observe an ordinary use of the digital tools by Podemos that highlights the engagement achieved with users in Facebook. 


Compolítica ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha

Abstract: The essay reflects on the media representation commonly associates with women politicians. Starting with a critique of media coverage about some political leaders in several countries, such as Angela Merkel, Michelle Bachelet, Ségolène Royal, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Hillary Clinton, the paper discusses the phenomenon of the double bind to which women are subjected in politics: if a woman presents herself as being cool, calculating and aggressive as it is expected in the political business she risks to be rejected as a virago. If she recommends herself with allegedly female traits, she will be regarded as not being viable for the serious challenges of the political business. There is no easy formula for how women should represent themselves. Since there are only few opportunities for direct contact between politicians and the electorate, it is necessary to deal with public image reported by media.Key-words: Political Communication; Election ; Gender; Representation.Resumo: O ensaio reflete sobre as representações mediáticas comumente associadas às mulheres na política. A partir da crítica à cobertura midiática sobre algumas líderes políticas em diversos países, a exemplo de Angela Merkel, Michelle Bachelet, Ségolène Royal, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner e Hillary Clinton, o trabalho discute o fenômeno do duplo vínculo ao qual as mulheres estão submetidas na política: elas estão em situação desfavorável na competição política quando assumem uma postura fria, calculada ou agressiva e lidam com hard issues, mas também quando se dedicam a questões tradicionalmente vistas como femininas, soft issues, que as caracterizam como inviáveis para a administração pública. Não há formula a ser reproduzida, e, uma vez que há poucas oportunidades para um contato direto entre políticos e eleitores, há que se lidar com a construção da imagem pública produzida pelos media.Palavras-chave: Comunicação Política; Eleições; Gênero; Representação.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-195
Author(s):  
Francisco Serrano Oceja ◽  
◽  
Mónica Viñarás Abad ◽  
Juan Enrique Gonzálvez Valles ◽  
◽  
...  

The use of social networks encourages individuals to access political information directly, either through the personal profiles of political leaders, their parties or organizations. All this without limiting the information in the media themselves, but already, with a limited time. Politicians, problems of this situation, take advantage of the direct contact of social networks to seek participation among their followers, which can lead to the press in a time of crisis. This work aims to analyze the use made by Twitter of the main political parties in the General Elections of April 28, 2019, in order to find out the content strategy followed and to what extent it could influence press consumption. The results will reach the way politicians will use social media content as the strategy to achieve their communication goals, and how it could influence press consumption. Keywords: Press; Social Networks; Crisis; Political Communication; Electoral Campaign.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34
Author(s):  
Luca Pighini

The 2015 Italian local elections strengthen significantly the presence of the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Tuscany with the entry of new faces into more than 150 council members, including the city of Livorno. Both nationally and locally, the fall of 2014 brought about internal disputes within the political movement, and were followed by the resignation of many Tuscan councilmen and the leaving of many activists. Despite contrasting definitions, the M5S successfully manages this internal unrest and elaborates its political offer for the regional elections. The article wishes to reconstruct this political offer in light of the 2015 regional elections in Tuscany. It specifically analyses the following: the process of selection, the background of candidates, the main issues of the electoral campaign and their results. What are the territories where the M5S was rooted the most? What are the profiles of the elected? What are their political stances? The methodological frame is based on materials collected from the movement's website, media coverage, public initiatives and face-to-face interviews with M5S candidates (elected and not).


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Andiwi Meifilina

Apart from being a means to communicate and absorb constituents' aspirations, social media can also be used to create a positive image of legislative candidate and political party. The purpose of this study is to analyze the political communication strategy of the Blitar Regency Golkar party through social media as political education on the development of community digital literacy and to uncover and analyze the factors that hinder the political communication strategy used by the party. This study uses descriptive qualitative method with data collection technique in a documentary manner. The result shows that the political communication strategy carried out by the Golkar party in Blitar Regency is to determine the communication components based on the communication concept of Harold D. Laswell, namely communicator, message, media, communicant, and effect. In implementing this strategy, there are internal and external constraints. Internal constraints include the psychological condition of young people and operational funds that are the responsibility of legislative candidate. Meanwhile, external constraints include media coverage of controversial statements by political elites, the formation of negative public opinion, and competition from other political parties.


2022 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 13-19
Author(s):  
Salomé Berrocal-Gonzalo ◽  
◽  
Raquel Quevedo-Redondo ◽  
Virginia García-Beaudoux ◽  
◽  
...  

In the midst of entertainment society, that started off at the end of the twentieth century, pop politics developed as a new communication formula used by the political leaders to share their image and their messages to the citi- zens by means of features from the entertainment environment or celebritiza- tion. In a similar way, the traditional mass media act, including formats of politi- cal infoentertainment to share the political information to the citizens in a frivolous, superficial or satiric format, aiming to increase their audience. This dominant situation of politainment has been transferred to the Internet envi- ronment, where the trend multiplies its effect due to the power of social net- works. In that case, political parties, mass media and prosumers, find a new space to gain votes, increase their audience and achieve advantage. The mono- graph included in index.comunicación introduces several research projects re- lated to politainment, aiming to study its impact upon traditional media and social networks. The new formulas adopted by spectacularized political infor- mation, the kind of issuers that produce them and the consequences upon those who intake them, are the object of analysis of the investigation works published in this thematic number.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Predrag Pavlicevic

This article indicated a model for a scientific description of styles of political leadership in Serbia from 1990 to the present, more precisely, pointed the basic elements of concept developed by the author in the study ?The style of political leaders in Serbia in the period 1990-2006? (2010). For the evaluation the author uses analytical tools that include the aforementioned concept, simultaneously indicating correlative theoretical approaches the aforementioned study did not examine, and may be of importance for the research of political elites in Serbia. This contributes the epistemological part of the method, which is registered in the definition of the style of political leadership as a term and the category apparatus that follows - understood from the aspect of the political style: the style in building political power, the style of political communication, the style of building one?s legitimacy, the ideological style, the styles of political language, symbolism and rituals, non-verbal communication and style in expressing patriotism. Starting from the fact that political styles are related to characteristics of political cultures and that it is necessary to make a concept of ideal typical models of styles focused on political subjects, this article marked the styles of political leadership typology related to the specific acting of political leaders in Serbia: authoritarian, republican, realistic, populist, conformist, revolutionary and style of a politician-rebel.


Author(s):  
Cristina Cirtita-Buzoianu

This paper aims to analyze the image and identity of political actors during an electoral campaign, as these two elements are defining for political marketing in attracting and convincing voters. With that in mind we will monitor the image of the two candidates for the position of mayor in the 2012 electoral campaign in Bacău, as it appeared in the written local press. The analysis of the two politicians will be made from the perspective of two pre-established image indicators: the political and the human dimensions. Each of the two dimensions has sub indicators pre-established in order to validate the general mediatized image of the candidate. Regarding the political dimension we will measure the sub indicators: political communication, attitude towards corruption, interest for civil problems, the ability to negotiate and political project, while the human dimension has the following sub indicators: faith, empathy, morality, honesty, charisma, consistency and leadership. Thus, we will try to identify if there are major differences between the two dimensions, for the two candidates, from a quantitative as well as a qualitative perspective.


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