scholarly journals China in the contemporary world order: grand strategy, military modernization, and balance of power

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Augusto W. M. Teixeira Júnior ◽  
Peterson Ferreira da Silva

The aim of this paper is to analyze the military determinants of China's strategic posture at the beginning of the 21st century, especially after the wide-ranging military reform introduced by Xi Jinping in 2015. China has faced major challenges in combining military modernization and Peaceful Development in a strategic environment marked by the balance of power logic. In this context, this paper points out the importance of military modernization for China’s grand strategy, even if it means the risk of growing tensions with regional and global military powers.

2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
pp. 26-33
Author(s):  
Gang CHEN ◽  
Minghui YU

China’s ambitious military reform deepens with the establishment of a new commission on 22 January 2017 helmed by Chinese President Xi Jinping. The new commission will oversee the integration of military and civilian development. Xi aims to nurture Chinese defence manufacturers that are comparable to Lockheed Martin and Boeing in the United States and develop a military-industrial complex for the military modernisation commensurate with its rising international profile.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Solomiya Kharchuk ◽  

What are the primary drivers of the relationship between Xi’s China and Lukashenko’s Belarus? The present research paper uses the historical process-tracing method to provide an answer to this question. Furthermore, it uses quantitative data analysis regarding the economic intercourse between Belarus and China. It examines whether China’s opposition regarding the unipolar American-led world order and Belarus’s security concerns are the primary drivers of the relationship between Minsk and Beijing. The present article concludes that the congruence of beliefs and Minsk’s desire to ensure survival are drawing the two countries closer together. China’s new strategy encompasses Beijing’s increasing participation in world affairs. China opposes the world order led by a single hegemon, the United States of America. In the interim, Belarus, a relatively weak state insignificant in the global balance of power, shares Beijing’s beliefs about the desired nature of the contemporary world order. However, the Belarusian economy’s condition, which relies heavily on external funding, does not allow the economic cooperation between Minsk and Beijing to thrive. China gradually increases its engagement with Belarus, yet it obscures its ambitions, for Minsk lies in Moscow’s sphere of influence.


Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Dharma Bahadur Baniya

Since the emergence of the New World Order in the international relations, the pursuit of national interests through traditional hard power has come under intense criticism. Employment of military instrument in foreign soil in particular, has been questioned. Examples of Afghanistan, Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Middle-East demonstrate that hard power approach alone, has been barely successful to handle multi-dimensional security challenges in the contemporary world. Although the hard power remains as important instruments of national power, its employment is becoming less significant due to its legitimacy and effectiveness in the changing global environment. Hence, the concept of soft power has been advanced as an alternative approach because of its potential of securing national interest without using force or coercion. Though the smart power, as an appropriate combination of hard and smart powers, has its implications in the international politics; soft power constitutes a very real power. This article argues on why soft power has been a more relevant instrument for the states being blessed or lacking the military might. Finally, the article presents its analysis with implications and recommends on ways in which small states like Nepal need to resort to soft power to ensure their foreign policy objectives and security in the changing international order.


Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

The end of the Cold War was a “big bang” reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? This book examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The book explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions—both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power—has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit “constitutional” characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, the book will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.


2021 ◽  
pp. 175048132110020
Author(s):  
Liping Tang

This article explores the putative addressee in the persuasion of diplomatic discourse by adopting White’s recent proposals as to putative reader/addressee positioning to specifically examine China’s communication efforts through South African English-language newspapers in the Xi Jinping era. Likemindedness is found to be predominantly construed, meticulously balanced with relative frequent construal of uncommittedness and very rare construal of un-likemindedness. And a set of 12 interrelated discourses are identified as fundamental ideological tenets in legitimating China’s African engagement and its vision of world order. Findings show that the classical political discursive strategy of Us/Them polarization is typically deployed. The analysis and discussion illustrates how White’s proposed framework can be systematically applied to offer new lines of analysis of persuasion and shed some light on understanding contemporary Chinese diplomatic discourse.


1999 ◽  
Vol 158 ◽  
pp. 314-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nan Li

At the 15th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Congress held in September 1997, Chinese leader Jiang Zemin announced that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) would reduce its manpower by 500,000 in the next three years. This is apparently a new step to deepen the military reform that Deng Xiaoping had initiated in early 1980s. Such reform aims to transform the PLA from a manpower-based military geared toward fighting a major defensive “people's war” to a technology-based military capable of forward deployment to deal with more variegated local contingencies. While substantial research has been done on major aspects of this reform, changes within major PLA organizations, such as the Central Military Commission (CMC), the higher command structure, the research and learning institutions, and the force structure, have not been adequately and systematically analysed. This study intends to shed light on these changes. Such a study is necessary and significant also because it helps towards an understanding of the extent, direction and problems of China's defence modernization drive, which may have important implications for Asian security. Finally, it provides an analytical framework for research regarding further organizational changes of the PLA.


Author(s):  
Dillon Stone Tatum

Abstract Can there be a “radical IR?” Scholars have given little attention to the question of the following: where is radicalism in the discipline? I argue that not only is it possible to think about radical international theory, but that it is necessary in the contemporary world. International theorists have to grapple with developments of fundamental change, including the so-described decline of the (neo)liberal international order, transformations in global capital, and an upsurge in populist political movements that advocate for fundamental political change. In approaching the question of radicalism in IR, the article develops a working definition of radicalism as an approach to politics that focuses on the International as a whole, uses theoretical tools from the humanistic sciences to engage in an active politics of fundamental transformation, and deploys methods that are historicist, genealogical, and oriented toward “getting to the root of things.” Additionally, the paper illustrates the virtues and promises of a radical IR by using the case of (neo)liberal world order arguments to show how a radical IR could change the trajectory of these engagements.


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