scholarly journals What Is Drawing Xi’s China and Lukashenko’s Belarus Closer?

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Solomiya Kharchuk ◽  

What are the primary drivers of the relationship between Xi’s China and Lukashenko’s Belarus? The present research paper uses the historical process-tracing method to provide an answer to this question. Furthermore, it uses quantitative data analysis regarding the economic intercourse between Belarus and China. It examines whether China’s opposition regarding the unipolar American-led world order and Belarus’s security concerns are the primary drivers of the relationship between Minsk and Beijing. The present article concludes that the congruence of beliefs and Minsk’s desire to ensure survival are drawing the two countries closer together. China’s new strategy encompasses Beijing’s increasing participation in world affairs. China opposes the world order led by a single hegemon, the United States of America. In the interim, Belarus, a relatively weak state insignificant in the global balance of power, shares Beijing’s beliefs about the desired nature of the contemporary world order. However, the Belarusian economy’s condition, which relies heavily on external funding, does not allow the economic cooperation between Minsk and Beijing to thrive. China gradually increases its engagement with Belarus, yet it obscures its ambitions, for Minsk lies in Moscow’s sphere of influence.

Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

The end of the Cold War was a “big bang” reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? This book examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The book explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions—both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power—has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit “constitutional” characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, the book will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1249-1278
Author(s):  
Frederick Cooper

“Beyond Empire” asks what studying empires from ancient times to the twentieth century tells us about the world today. Crises in the Middle East and the configuration of Europe, China, Africa, the United States, and elsewhere bear the imprint of trajectories into, through, and out of empire. Instead of assuming the “empire-to-nation-state” narrative, it explores the articulations of empire and nation and makes clear that the relationship was uncertain and contested, even in the mid- and late twentieth century. New empires (USSR, Japan, Nazi Germany) arose even as others collapsed, but World War II constituted a break point for winning as well as defeated empires, creating openings to anti-colonial movements but also enabling Western European powers to imagine a future without needing imperial resources in their rivalry with each other. The independent territorial state was not the only objective of political movements in colonial empires, but in the end national independence was what they could get. The juridical equivalence of post-imperial states has not brought about a stable, equitable, or even predictable world order.


Author(s):  
Z. Daulet Singh

The article is based on the author’s most recent book Powershift: India-China Relations in a Multipolar World (2020). It retraces the most salient moments and episodes in the India China border issue ever since the crisis broke out in 1959. What we learn from history is Chinese leaders have often shaped their policy on India as part of a wider geopolitical calculus, typically linked to the degree of pressure Chinese perceive on other geopolitical fronts. For India too, the nature of great powers relations impacts how it formulates China policy. This basic framework has remained relevant until the present day.Over the past decade, as the world order began shifting to a multipolar balance of power, India and China have confronted challenges in their relationship. The relationship is at a crossroad, and both Delhi and Beijing are struggling to find an equilibrium that allows both sides to pursue their interests and visions. Nevertheless, as Asia is returning to what it was for 1,800 years of the last two millennia, and, it is that big picture trend that Indian and Chinese leaders must pay attention to. Ultimately, this means stabilising India China relations


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
David Daniel Bogumil

International relations research has examined the relationship of the United States and Russia using a theoretical framework of reciprocity. The reciprocity research has subsumed the attributional characteristics of these actions and events that have shaped this relationship. This study evaluates the relationship between the United States and Russia. This dyadic relationship is examined by a reconceptualization of the character of reciprocal interaction between the United States and Russia. Reciprocity and attribution theory provide a heuristic to elucidate the transition to a New World Order. The international relations research on reciprocity reveals the general case for reciprocity between the United States and Russia. Attribution theory permits the decomposition of the perceptual and behavioral states of dyadic interactants.


Author(s):  
Olga L. Fituni

In the end of 2021, the eighth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Ministerial Conference was held. The conference, which takes place every three years alternately in the PRC and one of the African countries, each time marks a certain new stage in the development of Sino-African relations and charts new paths along this path. The Dakar forum however was of particular strategic importance. It took place in fundamentally new conditions of a profoundly changed post-COVID world, in which the physical capabilities and limitations of mutual communication became different, because of the pandemic; the conditions of human security on the planet have fundamentally changed; the prevailing paradigms of the globalization process have been seriously. The FOCAC-2021 sought to outline the ways for the development of the entire multifaceted complex of Sino-African in new historical conditions. The author analyzes the degree of implementation of the plans and targets of the previous FOCAC-2018 Summit. New benchmarks and goals for the next three years of Sino-African cooperation and the impact on them of new objective conditions, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the growth of confrontation in relations between the PRC and the United States and its allies, and the reformatting of previous globalization ties and interdependencies are highlighted as they have been outlined in Dakar. The author argues that, despite these fundamental global transformations, China's African strategy, in contrast to relations with a number of key world actors, does not undergo a profound modification. China sets the task not to fundamentally change, its strategy in African and routine engagement with its with partners on the continent under the influence of the new factors, but only to adapt to the realities of the post-COVID world order, in the context of the emerging balance of power and interests in the world.


Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the Chinese–Russian bilateral relationship, grounded in a historical perspective, and discusses the implications of the partnership between these two major powers for world order and global geopolitics. The volume compares the national worldviews, priorities, and strategic visions for the Chinese and Russian leadership, examining several aspects of the relationship in detail. The energy trade is the most important component of economic ties, although both sides desire to broaden trade and investments. In the military realm, Russia sells advanced arms to China, and the two countries engage in regular joint exercises. Diplomatically, these two Eurasian powers take similar approaches to conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, and also cooperate on non-traditional security issues, including preventing colored revolutions, cyber management, and terrorism. These issue areas illustrate four themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, including security, protecting authoritarian institutions, and reshaping aspects of the global order. They are key players challenging the United States and the Western liberal order, influencing not only regional issues, but also international norms and institutions. Nevertheless, Western nations remain important for China and Russia. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of “mutual respect” and “equality.” Lastly, Russia and China have frictions in their relationship, and not all of their interests overlap. While the relationship has grown, particularly since 2014, China and Russia are partners but not allies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noura Erakat

This paper seeks to show how Israel has deployed Occupation Law in strategic ways to incrementally take the land of Palestine without its people. It argues that Israel has used UN Security Council Resolution 242 to retroactively legitimate those colonial takings in a political framework shaped by U.S. intervention. In themselves, the constituent pieces of the argument are not new and they have been extensively discussed in legal, political science, and historical literature. Rather than consider them as the sum of their parts, this paper attempts to view the issues that have been kept distinct and separate within disciplinary silos as a mutually-reinforcing whole, demonstrating that the United States' political position made an otherwise bankrupt legal argument effective and showing how the Security Council's deliberations gave Israel ample room for maneuver in spite of the drafting parties' original intent. In examining the relationship between law and political power, the article points to the ways in which the balance of power bears upon the meaning and significance of law in international conflict. Thus, the failure of Occupation Law to regulate the occupation of the Palestinian Territories ultimately reflects the outcome of a political, not a legal, contest: Israel's legal argumentation that the territories are merely under its administration would have no value were it not for the power politics that shape international relations in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Rojas

Abstract Based on a 2000 novella by Cixin Liu with the same title, Frant Gwo’s 2019 film Wandering Earth has been celebrated as China’s first big-budget science fiction film. As a Chinese film with a global theme that simultaneously targets both a domestic and an international audience, accordingly, the work invites a reflection on the relationship between the local and the global—on how we understand the concept of home, and what it might mean to be home in the world. This essay, accordingly, examines three intersecting ways in which Wandering Earth (both the film and the original novella) explores the relationship between home and the world, including the status of the Earth as an ecological system, the planet’s status as a lived environment, as well as a set of contemporary geopolitical discourses about China’s shifting position within the contemporary world order, and particularly its relationship to the Global South.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro B.H.S. ◽  
Nona Siska Noviyanti

In this book, Francis Fukuyama delivers his arguments concering the issue about the lack of "organizational tradition" in several "failed" or "weak" states, which in turns becomes the greatest threat to the contemporary world order. Fukuyama argues that the United States, and the West in general, after rightly intervening in such states either militarily or economically (most often through institutions like IMF or World Bank), have failed to transfer institutional and public- and private- sector capability to them. Although their objective is to "create self-sustaining state institutions that can survive the withdrawal of outside intervention," the developed world has met its failure, setting people of the developing countries up for "large disappointments." For much of the last half-century, the trend has been to weaken the state. Now, the evidence suggests that a new approach is required, one that goes beyond simply shrinking or enlarging the state, and begins to deal with enabling the state to be more effective based on local conditions. Fukuyama suggests that the answer lies in providing states with internal organizational structure and, above all, a culture that enables strong leaders and government institutions to enforce capitalist and free-market values. While some basic outcomes are to be expected, the way each nation gets there will be different.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Анатолий Капустин ◽  
Anatoliy Kapustin

The article discusses the role and function of international law in the transformation of the modern world order. A brief description of the main features of international contemporary international relations and the role of international law in maintaining international legal order is given. The relationship and interaction of international policies of States and international law is examined. Scientific schools of international law exploring the relationship of international law and foreign policy are analyzed. In this regard, the author draws attention to the problem of the legitimacy of international law and established international legal order. The assessment of challenges to the legitimacy of international law and its reflection in the current international legal theory is made.


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