scholarly journals Bosnia and Herzegovina in current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 233-249
Author(s):  
Omer Hamzić ◽  
◽  
◽  

In this article, with some methodological dilemmas, an attempt is made to speak more clearly from a certain historical perspective about the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which „produce“ an almost permanent political crisis in this area - from Dayton to today. The continuity and current effects of these policies, which have their roots in some dark historical depths and myths, never changing their essence and their goals, were pointed out. In the current Serbian and Croatian political conceptions, Bosnia and Herzegovina is treated as a „sphere of interest“, which should be mastered as much as possible in peace, if it did not succeed in the war. Serbia and Croatia, in the historical sense, since they have existed as political entities, have been opposed to each other in almost everything. The only thing on which there was a high degree of agreement was the question of the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again depending on historical circumstances and other circumstances. (to mention only Tudjman and Milosevic). In the last few years, intensive cooperation and a high degree of „agreement“ between Serbian and Croatian politics have been noticed, again „regarding“ Bosnia and Herzegovina, its status and the definitive post-Dayton division. In this sense, it is not difficult to recognize several common characteristics of both policies. In this article, the author focuses on the following: the first is a declarative and formal public declaration of both to respect the integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in practical politics this sovereignty is continuously violated and „trampled“, acting as its „rulers“. . Another common feature is the belittling and labeling of all pro-Bosnian political forces, reducing them to „political Sarajevo“ in the pejorative sense of the word, with multiple offensive and deeper meanings, which, in addition to Milorad Dodik (to make the absurd even greater, as president or member of the Presidency of BiH) from the Serbian one, Zoran Milanović, the current president of Croatia, until yesterday a declared friend of Bosnia and the pro-Bosnian SDP, is increasingly expressing himself in his own way. Obstruction of the process of reforms and rapprochement of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the European Union and NATO membership is the third session of the characteristics of Serbian and Croatian politics (albeit in different versions), while the fourth, denial of decisions and verdicts of the Hague Tribunal for crimes and atrocities is dominant over Bosniaks (again in a different version): Serbs deny genocide verdicts, and Croats deny convictions for the Joint Criminal Enterprise. In addition to common characteristics, this paper highlights some special features of the current Serbian and Croatian policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, again, boils down to one goal: to strengthen (make independent) the Republika Srpska and cantons with a Croat majority, as well as the position of Croats in Federation with the aim of forming a third entity and at the same time weaken the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina until the question of the meaning of its existence is raised. The state's inability to organize the procurement of coronavirus vaccines is just one of the latest proofs that these destructive political forces have succeeded to a great extent. This article points out the consequences of such a policy and emphasizes the need to stop further degradation and collapse of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. Such forces exist, they just have to be activated.

2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 1389-1407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivera Simic

One day before the historic trial against Radovan Karadžić was due to begin, Biljana Plavšić, a former Bosnian Serb leader, was released from prison after serving two-thirds of an 11-year sentence for war crimes. She flew in from Sweden to Belgrade, where she was welcomed by the Prime Minister of Republika Srpska. While Plavšić was on her way home, more than a hundred representatives of Bosnian nongovernmental organizations were heading from home to the Hague, to be present for the beginning of the Karadžić trial. Drawing on cases of returning war criminals, this article argues that similar to Bosnian citizens and war criminals who are commuting in different directions, cosmopolitan and local forms of justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina are also progressing in opposite destinations.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul C. Szasz

The Bosnia Proximity Peace Talks at the Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio, took place from November 1 to 21, 1995, and ended with the initialing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (GFA) and several of the annexed or related instruments by representatives of the principal states parties to the conflict in Bosnia: the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The initialing was witnessed by representatives of the European Union and the five states members of the Contact Group on Bosnia. In addition, all of the twelve instruments annexed to the GFA were also initialed or otherwise endorsed on behalf of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska. The GFA and these instruments were formally signed in Paris on December 14, and thereby immediately entered into force.


Author(s):  
Nela Vlahinić Lenz ◽  
Vedran Prša

Analysis shows that electricity sector reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina have not been implemented as they should according to the Third Energy Package and obligations deriving from the Energy Community membership. Despite the sanctions and infringement procedures for non-transposition of the Third Energy Package that has been adopted against Bosnia and Herzegovina, its legal and regulatory framework for the electricity market is still non-compliant with the Energy Community acquis. Legal framework harmonization with the Acquis communaitaire is completely missing on the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina while the legal compliance with the Acquis is somewhat better on entity levels. Still, they do not comply with the Third Energy Package as well and this situation strongly hinders the required structural reforms and liberalization of the electricity market. Development of electricity market in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been also influenced by regional electricity market that started by European Union’s incentive. Extending the European Union internal energy market to its neighboring countries, the Energy Community aims to create a regulatory and market framework capable of securing reliable energy supply and attracting investments in the energy sector. All Contracting Parties from Southeast Europe started to implement reforms in the energy sector at a different pace, but Bosnia and Herzegovina has been marked as the worst performer. It is not wondering because Bosnia and Herzegovina is a victim of its own constitutional framework and political complexity. However, during 2016 some new developments have occurred that give some hope for this country to solve some of the obstacles for functioning national and regional electricity market.


Author(s):  
Siniša Macan ◽  
Siniša Karan

The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina guarantees the right free exchange of goods and services throughout the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the process of integration into the European Union, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska have committed themselves to adapting their regulations to EU legislation.The exschange of goods and services has switched to the domain of electronic business, by developing Internet technologies. Administration can be viewed through services provided to citizens and the business community. It can be noted that these services can be services that are available to users through different communication channels. The administration can also provide its services according to prencipes on which e-commerce is basedAccording to mentioned above, the European Union, in accordance with the Functioning Agreement, defined through the European regulation of services, services that should make available the common market in each member state of the Union. In addition, the European Union has identified ways of identifying and implementing the services of trust in the market through the adoption of eIDAS regulations, that is, the Regulation on electronic identification and trust services for electronic transactions in the internal market No. 910/14Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska have an obligation to adopt legal framework and implement obligations adopted by eIDAS regulations. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina defines that all governmental functions and powers not expressly assigned to the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina are responsibilities of the Entities. Therefore, regulating the electronic services market is the competence of the Entities. Accordingly, the Republic of Srpska has adopted a set of laws that are in line with eIDAS regulations, defining terms that are regulated by eIDAS regulations related to electronic business, electronic identification and trust services.In 2006, Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted the Law on Electronic Signature, using the provisions of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina that everything that the Entities agree on is the competence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This law does not comply with eIDAS regulations. The paper describes how to apply eIDAS regulations in the Republic of Srpska and presents the situation in the field of application of the European Service Directive, as well as the ways to fully implement eIDAS regulations and exchange information on trust services and certification bodies with the institutions of the European Union and other Member States.


Author(s):  
Qerimi Donikë

This chapter presents Western Balkans perspectives on the Hague Principles. The term ‘Western Balkans’ is used to denominate the countries of the Balkan peninsula which are not member of the European Union: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. The countries of the Western Balkans have had a rather troubled past and the beginning of this century found them (re)building their countries, including their legislation. Given the urgency of other areas of law, Private International Law (PIL) was not in the focus of most of these countries’ reforms, academia, or court practice until recently. Unlike the EU regulations and Hague Conventions, the Hague Principles are not listed among the ‘inspirations’ of any of the current draft laws in the region. Experts who helped in drafting the ongoing reforms, however, have testified to the vast collection of international instruments and PIL codifications of other European countries that were used as inspiration when preparing these drafts. These preparations might have included the Hague Principles as well.


ICR Journal ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 583-585
Author(s):  
Senad Mrahorovic

In the beginning of 2012, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina have once again witnessed disturbing events in the Bosnian entity known as Republika Srpska. Several distinguished personalities were awarded the highest decoration, including Boris Tadic, the current president of the Republic of Serbia. With this award, President Tadic has been added to the list of people who previously have received the same decoration, such as Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic, Slobodan Milosevic and others who were indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for charges of genocide and other war crimes committed during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early 1990s. While the trial of Milosevic lasted for almost two years, it did not end, however, owing to his sudden death. The other two figures namely, Karadzic and Mladic, are currently being tried in The Hague by the ICTY.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Göran Gunner

Authors from the Christian Right in the USA situate the September 11 attack on New York and Washington within God's intentions to bring America into the divine schedule for the end of the world. This is true of Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell, and other leading figures in the ‘Christian Coalition’. This article analyses how Christian fundamentalists assess the roles of the USA, the State of Israel, Islam, Iraq, the European Union and Russia within what they perceive to be the divine plan for the future of the world, especially against the background of ‘9/11’. It argues that the ideas of the Christian Right and of President George W. Bush coalesce to a high degree. Whereas before 9/11 many American mega-church preachers had aspirations to direct political life, after the events of that day the President assumes some of the roles of a mega-religious leader.


2019 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-30
Author(s):  
Toni Koren ◽  
Matea Martinović

The caterpillars of the Southern Swallowtail, Papilio alexanor have been recorded in the vicinity of Trebinje, Bosnia & Herzegovina. This is the first recent observation of this species in the country and the third observation so far. Opopanax chironium is confirmed as the larval host plant in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was expected due to the recent observations from Croatia. Its status and distribution in the country are still not clear, and further surveys are recommended in order to reconfirm the historical records as well as to assess its current conservation status. Due to the limited extent of its occurrence, we propose to include it in the Red list of fauna of Bosnia & Herzegovina as Vulnerable (VU).


Author(s):  
Rita Fulco

AbstractThe aim of my article is to relate Roberto Esposito’s reflections on Europe to his more recent proposal of instituent thought. I will try to do so by focusing on three theoretical cornerstones of Esposito’s thought: the first concerns the evidence of a link between Europe, philosophy and politics. The second is deconstructive: it highlights the inadequacy of the answers of the most important contemporary ontological-political paradigms to the European crisis, as well as the impossibility of interpreting this crisis through theoretical-political categories such as sovereignty. The third relates more directly to the proposal of a new political ontology, which Esposito defines as instituent thought. Esposito’s discussion of political theology is the central theoretical nucleus of this study. This discussion will focus, in particular, on the category of negation, from which any political ontology that is based on pure affirmativeness or absolute negation is criticized. In his opinion, philosophical theories developed on the basis of these assumptions have proved to be incomplete or ineffective in relation to the current European and global philosophical and political crisis. Esposito therefore perceives the urgent need to propose a line of thought that is neither negatively destituent (post-Heideggerian), nor affirmatively constituent (post-Deleuzian, post-Spinozian), but instituent (neo-Machiavellian), capable of thinking about order through conflict (the affirmative through the negative). Provided that we do not think of the institution statically–in a conservative sense–but dynamically, as constant instituting in which conflict can become an instrument of a politics increasingly inspired by justice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 138826272110092
Author(s):  
Pauline Melin

In this reporting period (November 2020-March 2021), five cases will be presented. The first case is INPS v WS (C-302/19), dealing with the Italian legislation that excludes Single Permit holders from receiving family benefits for their family members residing in a third country. In the second report, two cases rendered on the same day by the Grand Chamber of the Court are discussed. In D.J. v Radiotelevizija Slovenija (C-344/19) and RJ v Stadt Offenbach am Main (C-580/19), the Court clarified the circumstances under which periods of stand-by time could be considered as ‘working time’ or, alternatively, ‘rest periods’ under Directive 2003/88. XI v Caisse pour l’avenir des enfants (C-129/20) is the third case reported. It concerns an interpretation of the Framework Agreement on parental leave in the light of the Luxembourg legislation, which requires parents to be employed at the time of their child’s birth to benefit from parental leave. Finally, the case report ends with VL v Szpital Kliniczny im. dra J. Babińskiego Samodzielny Publiczny Zakład Opieki Zdrowotnej w Krakowie (C-16/19), a case of discrimination on grounds of disability.


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