STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION AND THE NEW PUBLIC DIPLOMACY: CONSUBSTANTIALITY AND PERCEPTION IN THE NATIONAL PUBLIC SPACE

2021 ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Aurelia Peru-Balan ◽  
◽  
Corina Calugaru ◽  

In this article we aim to make a synthesis of the concepts "public diplomacy" and "strategic communication". We also try to identify the correlation between these two communication phenomena and their perception at the level of national public opinion. In the context of the confrontation between East and West, of geopolitical confrontations, the concept of "strategic communication" is perceived in the European space mainly as a way to protect European values and secure the European information space.

Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 1089-1110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hall

Abstract Over the past decade, India has invested significant resources in public diplomacy, using traditional and new approaches to build and leverage its soft power. This article examines the reasons for this investment, the various forms of public diplomacy India employs, and the effectiveness of its efforts to shape public opinion. It finds that Indian investment in public diplomacy is partly a response to concerns about the perceived growth of Chinese soft power and partly a function of changed beliefs in the foreign policy-making elite about the uses of new social media. It also finds that India's new public diplomacy seems to have met with some––albeit patchy––success in augmenting its soft power.


TEME ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mitrović ◽  
Dragan Vasiljević

Strategic communication is one of the expressions of state power and the instrument for achieving political and the security of national interests. In the context of contemporary conflicts, it is an appearance of hybrid action in the fields of information, the media, the Internet and the wide spectrum of public diplomacy performances. The main goal of strategic communication (SC) is to influence public opinion. In addition, SC strives to move the focus of the public towards cultural values as well as the adjustment of the political system. The main task of strategic communication (SC) is to influence public opinion and its focus on cultural values, the possible adaptation of the political system by "reprogramming" political culture in accordance with the goals set by psychological influence. One of the main channels for influence are social networks. In the paper, we used a multi-criterion analysis to identify the method of prevention pertaining to psychological manipulations in the cyberspace. This paper suggests preventive measures against negative impacts of social networks. In the paper, we used the Analytic Hierarchical Processes for the analysis of hierarchy in the application of preventive measures. Based on the obtained results, we developed and presented the application of preventive measures, to prevent the harmful effects of psychological manipulations in the cyberspace.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Rolfe

Summary Many calls have been made since 2001 for a ‘new public diplomacy’ of the information age that utilizes the internet to reach public opinion. They have been especially forthcoming from the Obama administration, although they have been just as popular with the political classes in the United States and elsewhere. However, such recent calls form only the latest instalment of a rhetorical tradition of public diplomacy that stretches back to Woodrow Wilson and beyond to the 1790s. There is a thematic recurrence in the rhetoric of public diplomacy, as there is in the rhetoric of democracy, and for the same reason: representative democracy has always involved a complex tension between, on the one hand, the political class of politicians and diplomats and, on the other, public opinion, which needs to be appeased since it confers legitimacy on representatives. This results in a recurring pattern of language involving suspicions of the political class, declarations of a new era of diplomacy and claims to credibility. There are hence frequent bouts of anti-politics politics and anti-diplomacy politics, sometimes utilizing a discourse of technological optimism, which politicians and diplomats attempt to assuage with similar calls for new political dawns.


Communicology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-179
Author(s):  
E.S. Nadezhkina

The term “digital public diplomacy” that appeared in the 21st century owes much to the emergence and development of the concept of Web 2.0 (interactive communication on the Internet). The principle of network interaction, in which the system becomes better with an increase in the number of users and the creation of user-generated content, made it possible to create social media platforms where news and entertainment content is created and moderated by the user. Such platforms have become an expression of the opinions of various groups of people in many countries of the world, including China. The Chinese segment of the Internet is “closed”, and many popular Western services are blocked in it. Studying the structure of Chinese social media platforms and microblogging, as well as analyzing targeted content is necessary to understand China’s public opinion, choose the right message channels and receive feedback for promoting the country’s public diplomacy. This paper reveals the main Chinese social media platforms and microblogging and provides the assessment of their popularity, as well as possibility of analyzing China’s public opinion based on “listening” to social media platforms and microblogging.


Author(s):  
Raymond A. Patton

The conclusion condenses the book’s argument that punk developed through networks that crossed all three worlds through intertwined phenomena of immigration, postmodernism, and globalization; that punks and societies’ reactions to it defied and subverted the fundamental assumptions and categories of the Cold War era; and that punk provoked a realignment away from sociopolitical, ideological categories and toward a new framework emphasizing identities as conservatives and progressives. It briefly examines the post-1989 punk scenes of the East and West; many punks felt as dissatisfied with the global neoliberal order as they were with the Cold War world and often joined the new antiglobalization movements of the East and West. It concludes with the example of Pussy Riot in Russia, which shows that punk retained its power to consolidate forces of reaction (Putin, the Orthodox Church, and conservative public opinion) and cultural progressives alike long after the end of the Cold War.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 503
Author(s):  
Aloysius Ranggabumi Nuswantoro

Conflict occurs between two or more parties with different interests. Media related to conflict. The ability of the media to influence public opinion is the biggest element in the relationship between media with conflict. The media in this context can be a party that sparked the conflict but could also act as resolutor conflict. Media as a provocateur when play became an arm of one of the conflicting parties, while a conciliator conflict when showing neutrality and information that tends to peace (peace narrative). And theoretical studies should be conducted searches empirical facts on this subject, to clarify the position, the position and role of media in conflict situations. The results can also be used to see the extent to which the media contribute to creating conditions of public space and democratic deliberative. Against this, the choice to stick with journalism be the most appropriate choice for the media in an effort to maintain its position as an agent of democracy in society.


Author(s):  
Clifford Siskin

The acting out of liberalism’s politics of blame helped to configure a new public space—a space other than the overtly political—in which to adjudicate claims about what parts of The System worked and what did not, what was of lasting value and what needed to be reformed. Those deliberations became the domain of “culture”—a term first used in its modern sense in Britain in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Once culture entered the West’s conceptual vocabulary, every group had one—in fact, every group still has to have one. Culture enacts the formal structure of system semantically as an imperative: parts (can and should) fit together into a whole. Reorganizing internally the very unity that it helped to contrive, “culture” also came to signify a subset of itself.  Among the totality of activities that we call a “culture,” is “Culture”: in Raymond Williams’s words, “the works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity.” “Literature” was similarly doubled: what had been an inclusive category of all learning was systematized and narrowed into a high Culture subset of itself. To explain this process, this chapter tracks system’s ongoing role in configuring a period (Romantic, including Hume, Blake, Rousseau, Byron) and an author’s career (Wordsworth’s). These are “secret” histories in that system’s role has been largely written out of both narratives as part of the Arnoldian effort to elevate Culture and Literature by obscuring their links to what he saw as the contingent business of system-making.


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