scholarly journals STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION AND SOCIAL NETWORK INFLUENCE: THE METHODS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL MANIPULATIONS IN CYBERSPACE AND THE SUGGESTION FOR ITS PREVENTION

TEME ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mitrović ◽  
Dragan Vasiljević

Strategic communication is one of the expressions of state power and the instrument for achieving political and the security of national interests. In the context of contemporary conflicts, it is an appearance of hybrid action in the fields of information, the media, the Internet and the wide spectrum of public diplomacy performances. The main goal of strategic communication (SC) is to influence public opinion. In addition, SC strives to move the focus of the public towards cultural values as well as the adjustment of the political system. The main task of strategic communication (SC) is to influence public opinion and its focus on cultural values, the possible adaptation of the political system by "reprogramming" political culture in accordance with the goals set by psychological influence. One of the main channels for influence are social networks. In the paper, we used a multi-criterion analysis to identify the method of prevention pertaining to psychological manipulations in the cyberspace. This paper suggests preventive measures against negative impacts of social networks. In the paper, we used the Analytic Hierarchical Processes for the analysis of hierarchy in the application of preventive measures. Based on the obtained results, we developed and presented the application of preventive measures, to prevent the harmful effects of psychological manipulations in the cyberspace.

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-194
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mitrovic

Strategic communication is one of the expressions of state power and represents an instrument in the political and security achievement of national interests. In the context of contemporary conflicts, it is an expression of a hybrid action in the fields of information, media, internet, and the entire spectrum of public diplomatic performances. It can have an offensive or defensive character. The main goal is to influence the public opinion and further move the focus in relation to the public towards cultural values and eventual adjustment of the political system through the ?reprogramming? of the political culture in accordance with the given objectives. Strategic communication is a planned and comprehensive activity of the organizational entity, which aims at achieving a successful and efficient interaction with the environment. Some of the elementary forms of strategic communication that support the highest national goals, even in the case of defense and security issues, are propaganda, public diplomacy, and interest communications (advocacy, lobbying, etc.). In this paper, using the analysis of the content and synthesis, a projection of strategic communication in the scope of propaganda, public diplomacy, and lobbying as determinants of strategic communication is presented. A framework for strategic propaganda planning, a strategic approach to public diplomacy, and a lobbying strategy have been developed, with a basic proposal for the modelling of every listed component of strategic communication. The paper contributes to the thesis that strategic communication aims at supporting the organization?s mission. In the field of defense and security, strategic communication has one of the vital roles in supporting the achievement of the mission of strengthening the overall identity, the international position of internal cohesion and the unity of the nation, as well as the general readiness to respond to the contemporary security challenges. Strategic communication represents a wide area of communication disciplines that combine different co-information areas, disciplines, and skills in a hybrid and inventive way. Strategically guided propaganda, public diplomacy, and lobbying are certainly areas of importance for the comprehensive construction of the ?soft? power, but also in support of the construction of the ?hard? power. The conclusion is that the planning and implementation of the strategic communication, through strategic determinants, such are propaganda, public diplomacy, and lobbying, must be meticulously studied and planned, according to scientific and practice-tested postulates. In this way, it is possible that strategic communication really strongly and significantly supports the achievement of the organization?s mission, which in the case of the state relates to its international position, resistance to contemporary, hybrid challenges of risk and threats, and readiness for the defensive, and, if necessary, offensive activity. This approach seeks to raise general defense capacities, thus turning the state into an unwanted opponent, and achieving the effect of preventing and deterring possible aggressive action.


Author(s):  
Catalina Balmaceda

The political transformation that took place at the end of the Roman Republic was a particularly rich area for historical analysis. The crisis that saw the end of the Roman Republic and the changes which gave birth to a new political system were narrated by major Roman historians who took the Roman idea of virtus as a way of interpreting and understanding their history. Tracing how virtus informed Roman thought over time, the book explores the concept and its manifestations in the narratives of four successive Latin historians who span the late republic and early principate: Sallust, Livy, Velleius, and Tacitus. Balmaceda demonstrates that the concept of virtus in these historical narratives served as a form of self-definition which fostered and propagated a new model of the ideal Roman more fitting to imperial times. As a crucial moral and political concept, virtus worked as a key idea in the complex system of Roman socio-cultural values and norms which underpinned Roman attitudes about both present and past. This book offers a re-appraisal of the historians as promoters of change and continuity in the political culture of both the Republic and the Empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


Sílex ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Edwin Cohaila

El Perú ha atravesado, en este período gubernamental que empezó el 2016, diferentes situaciones políticas, la renuncia del presidente Kucyznski, la asunción al mando por parte de su vicepresidente Martín Vizcarra, el cierre del Congreso, la prisión preventiva de muchos actores políticos; sin embargo, se continuó con el régimen democrático, lo que podría suponer que la población mantiene un apoyo al sistema político y una tolerancia política, puesto que todo se encauzó dentro del marco constitucional. Para averiguar esta situación, se analizará la data que provee el Barómetro de las Américas (LAPOP) para los años 2016/2017 y 2018/2019 para el caso peruano, pero haciendo notar si existe alguna diferencia entre ambos periodos según la identidad étnica. El análisis manifiesta que el apoyo al sistema político se ha mantenido sin variación, mientras que la tolerancia política se ha incrementado; no obstante, al interior de la identidad étnica no todos los grupos se han mantenido bajo esa misma línea, ya que se observan diferencias significativas en especial en el grupo étnico quechua y mestizo. Peru has gone through this governmental period that began in 2016 with different political situations, resignation of President Kucyznski, assumption of command by his vice president Martín Vizcarra, closure of Congress, preventive detention of many political actors; however, the democratic regime continued, which could suppose that the population maintains support for the political system and political tolerance, since everything was channeled within the constitutional framework. To find out this situation, the data provided by the Latin American Public Opinion Project for the years 2016/2017 and 2018/2019 will be analyzed for the Peruvian case, but noting if there is any difference between the two periods according to ethnic identity. The analysis shows that support for the political system has remained unchanged, while political tolerance has increased, although within ethnic identity not all groups have remained along the same line, since there are significant differences especially in the quechua and mestizo ethnic group.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Trukhachov

The article focuses on elements of social engineering (SI) that could be used by the states in their own interests during the COVID-19 pandemic. These elements were used to form negative public opinion, change the political landscape, and reduce citizens’ trust in their own governments. These elements are influence and persuasion. Traditional media and social networks play a major role in the use of these SI elements. SI has a long history of theoretical study as a scientific phenomenon. Practical elements of SI have a large arsenal, from government tools to influencing individuals. The article aims to demonstrate using SI elements, influence, and persuasion by the interested states and governments to obtain certain preferences for both foreign and domestic policies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-71
Author(s):  
Shayla C. Nunnally

This chapters asks, Does having a Black president, compared to previous administrations occupied by White presidents, lead to aberrational trust in government for Blacks and Whites? I posit that the Obama presidency indeed had this effect. During the years of the Obama presidency, we saw changes in perceptions of trust and political efficacy among Black Americans. Using national public opinion data from the American National Election Study from 1992 to 2014, this chapter gauges how Black Americans perceived their influence(s) on the political system during different years to determine what, if any, lasting impact Obama's presidency may have on Black political involvement and trust in the political system. The results of the public opinion analyses indicate that trust attitudes during the Obama presidency were more positive for Blacks than Whites; however, compared over the forty-year period, the results are not consistently aberrational. Subsequently, I examine the racial implications of these results for Americans’ political trust after the Obama era, especially during the early years of the Donald J. Trump presidency.


1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Black

One of the greatest problems in the discussion of eighteenth-century British foreign policy concerns the assessment of the influence of the particular character of the British political system. British foreign policy, and thus the country's alliance strategy, was conditioned by the subtle interplay of internal processes, the functioning of her domestic political system, and the international situation. As historians are concerned increasingly to probe the nature of the domestic pressures influencing the formulation and execution of policy, so it becomes more important to define the political, as opposed to constitutional, role of Parliament and public opinion. This is of obvious significance for the study of Britain's relations with her allies. Were these made more difficult as a consequence of the distinctive character of the British political system? There was no shortage of contemporaries willing to state that this was the case. An obvious category of discussion concerned the citing of domestic pressure as a reason why concessions could not be made to foreign powers, both allies and those whose alliance was sought. This was of particular significance when ministries explained why gains made during war could not be surrendered at peace treaties and gains made at the peace could not be yielded subsequently. Their defense of the retention of Gibraltar was based on this argument. Similar arguments were used by British ministers in seeking to persuade allies to do as they wished. Diplomatic pressure on France over the state of Dunkirk or on Spain and Portugal over commercial disputes made frequent use of the argument of domestic pressure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 03017
Author(s):  
Olesya Blinova ◽  
Yuliya Gorbunova

Today's youth, being a keyactor in the use of digital technologies, prefers digital participation in the political sphere of society. The main practices used by young people in their online participation are marginal. The marginality of the political practices of youth is revealed in their hybridity, which manifests itself in the binary of normativity - abnormality, norm - deviation, etc. Using the trend-watching method in the course of the research made it possible to identify the nonlinear and virulent nature of the marginal practices of youth, which makes it difficult to predict their impact, that, according to the authors, actualizes the need to identify the value foundations of their application. Content analysis of young people (18-30 years old) accounts in social networks, Instagram and Youtube channels of public opinion leaders revealed such value foundations of marginal political practices of young people as: patriotism, solidarity, non-violence, participation and independence.The nature of the identified axiological foundations made it possible to draw a conclusion about the transition from the traditional values of political participation of young people to the values of self-expression, the acquisition and implementation of civic subjectivity.


Author(s):  
Rita Figueiras

This article aims to analyze current mechanisms that lead to public opinion in Portugal, by studying one of its components, published opinion. In so doing, the profile of pundits, their agenda and the way they discuss public affairs will be analyzed. The main goal of this research is to confront its empirical results with democratic cultural understanding of public opinion and with Luhmann’s theory on this subject. Will public opinion’s main cultural values be found in the Portuguese Op-ed pages; or will its characteristics be empirical evidence of Luhmann’s theory on public opinion? Despite the fact that in traditional cultural identity of the public sphere, diversity and pluralism of voices, themes and perspectives are considered to be structuring values that society esteems and that allow the building of enlightened public opinion and social consensus; the empirical results discussed in this article, however, indicate that Portuguese punditry seems to be an empirical evidence of Luhmann’s symbolically generalized communication media, serving the political system’s self-referential closure.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Aurelia Peru-Balan ◽  
◽  
Corina Calugaru ◽  

In this article we aim to make a synthesis of the concepts "public diplomacy" and "strategic communication". We also try to identify the correlation between these two communication phenomena and their perception at the level of national public opinion. In the context of the confrontation between East and West, of geopolitical confrontations, the concept of "strategic communication" is perceived in the European space mainly as a way to protect European values and secure the European information space.


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