scholarly journals SOCIAL EFFECTS OF TERRORISM ON YOUNG INDIVIDUALS IN NORTH-EAST NIGERIA

Author(s):  
I. G. Ujene

Terror and wars are not recent events as they had always existed with mankind since creation. According to Charles Darwin, in his concept of “survival of the fittest,” only the strong survive and this statement had gone ahead overtime to prove its validity both domestically and the world over. Although wars are not new, their effects (especially social effects) such as the effect on religion, destruction of social networks and support, functional impairment, conduct disorder (deviance), destruction of social capitals, destruction of social institutions and on young people cannot be ignored since every action is consequential. Nigeria is not an exception to terrorisms, wars and insurgencies as can be proven by her most recent histories; there had been the civil war, Niger-Delta insurgency and now the terroristic act of Boko Haram in the North-East. Due to the numerous effects of war, there are many scholarly works on psychological, biological and the economic dimensions but the social effects of terror such as is currently going on in North-East Nigeria are more trans-generational and have a more diverse outlook, despite this, there is the silence of literature on such effects thus, the aptness of this work. This paper underscores the social effects of the ongoing insurgence of Boko Haram in the North-East Nigeria on young individuals. Although United Nations in 1981 designated 15-24 years as youths, this study adopts 13-24 years for a wider coverage due to the historic-religious and cultural documentations and evidences of early marriages among the people under study. Theoretically, structural functionalism is apt in the explanation of this growing situation and it submits that the Nigerian state should pay much attention on development, Nigeria should explore the informal education sector and that religion of any kind should be de-radicalized and any iota of inciting messages should be expunged from worship places. Ujene, I. G. | Department of Sociology, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria

With the growing insecurity in the country, many commentators are beginning to question the provision of the 1999 Nigerian constitution, Chapter 2, Section 14 (2)(b), which stipulates that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government”. In Nigeria today, virtually 50 percent of headline news relates to some form of insecurity affecting almost every part of the country. From the Boko Haram insurgencies in the North East, to Herdsmen – Farmers crisis in the middle belt, to banditry and kidnapping in the North West. From South-South region battling militant agitation, to South-East security menace of separatist agitation, kidnapping and armed robbery. Of recent is the issues of kidnapping and banditry surfacing on highways within the South West region, one would rightly say that the centralized form of Policing structure being operated in Nigeria has completely failed. Hence, agitation for institutionalising the concept of Community Policing in Nigeria. Community Policing is a concept that emphasises proactive measures – preventing the act of crime through intelligence and community participation, rather than reactive policing. It is also principled on partnership and decentralisation of powers for effective crime fighting.


2021 ◽  
pp. 102452942110113
Author(s):  
Luke Telford

Based on 52 qualitative interviews with working-class individuals, this paper explores the social and economic decline of a coastal locale referred to as High Town in Teesside in the North East of England. First, the paper outlines how the locality expanded as a popular seaside resort under capitalism’s post-war period. It then assesses how the seaside existed together with industrial work, offering stable employment opportunities, economic security and a sense of community. Next, the article documents the shift to neoliberalism in the 1980s, specifically the decline of High Town’s seaside resort, the deindustrialization process and therefore the 2015 closure of High Town’s steelworks. It explicates how this exacerbated the locale’s economic decline through the loss of industrial work’s ‘job for life’, its diminishing popularity as a coastal area and the further deterioration of the town centre. The paper concludes by suggesting that High Town has lost its raison d’être under neoliberalism and faces difficulties in revival.


Author(s):  
Roxana Mironescu ◽  
Andreea Feraru ◽  
Ovidiu Turcu

The intellectual capital in its dynamic approach focusses on the development of the entropic model, which expresses the dynamic transformation of the theoretical intellectual capital in a concrete and useful intellectual capital. The aim of the present paper is to perform a detailed analysis of the intellectual capital inside the SMES of the North-Est region of the country. It also speaks about the influence of the main integrators of the intellectual capital, divided into three elements: the cognitive, the emotional and the spiritual capital, about how they are acting as a field of forces upon the basic components of the intellectual capital, such as knowledge, intelligence and values and how they determine the generation and development of the intellectual capital in the eastern analyzed SMEs. Both jobs and teams inside the analyzed SMEs are stimulating the development of the intellectual skills, which reduces the need for involving the external experts, by appealing only those specialists who could transform the tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge. The organizational communication provides the necessary information and contributes to the establishment of a fair climate and of the effective relationships between managers and employees, between work mates, and also with the people outside the organization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ifeanyichukwu M. Abada ◽  
Nneka Ifeoma Okafor ◽  
Nkemjika C. Duru

The decision among human beings to change their places of residence has remained an age-long strategy of survival practiced for a very long time. However, the migratory activities associated with internal population displacement are often propelled by forced migration occasioned by natural or anthropogenic forces or a combination of both. The upsurge of internal population displacement in the Nigerian state is incontrovertible given the maniacal campaign of the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-east region. The dilemma of internally displaced persons and the imperative management have proven a formidable challenge to the Nigerian state. The aim of this paper therefore is to ethically investigate whether the ineffective control of the Boko Haram insurgency by the state is implicated in the rising incidence of internally displaced persons and evident vulnerabilities. The study adopted qualitative research which relied heavily on the documentary method of data collection and, guided by the ‘Marxist theory of the post-colonial state’ as a theoretical underpinning. The findings of this paper showed that the ineffective control of Boko Haram insurgency by the state was implicated in the rising incidence of internal population displacement in the North-east. The paper critically observed that the state and its agencies like the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs), National Commission for Refugees, Migration and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI), Presidential Initiative for the North East (PINE), Presidential Committee on the North-East Initiative (PCNI), among others have become the main instruments for the advancement of the interests of the dominant class. The study however recommends amongst other things that the state should ethically rethink its narrow strategy against Boko Haram insurgency through the adoption of a broader approach according to the dictates of Nigeria’s Countering Violent Extremism framework.


Author(s):  
A. Volodin

The present article focuses on the entity of middle classes in non-Western societies. The social formation of this kind is a relatively new phenomenon. As far as the modern Western societies are concerned, the social and political “materialization” of the above-mentioned entity has covered the period of no less than five centuries. The middle class in modern transitional societies began to emerge quite recently, with a few notable exceptions, after gaining sovereignty. That is one of the reasons why political systems in the non-Western world are mostly fragile and susceptible to instability of different kinds and origins. The so called “Arab awakening” gives a vivid example for the “underdevelopment” of indigenous middle classes. Whilst in the advanced industrial societies middle classes were (and are) the building blocks of social structure, economic and political development, elite recruitment, etc., among the non-Western societies (with the salient exception of the North-East Asia) the process of the middle class institutionalization as well as its economic and political self-assertion is still under way, somewhere at the initial stage of development. Comparing various non-Western societies from the middle class inner dynamics as well as self-assertion perspective, the author concludes that in the ultimate analysis, the maturity of this process is dependent on the pro-active and creative role of the State. The latter serves as the main driving force of the middle class consolidation and the instrument of political and economic systems for increasing and advancing development. The cases of India, on one hand, and Indonesia, on the other, demonstrate convincingly that the State remains the leading institution of the society able to accelerate economic growth and development, but also to stimulate the emergence and socio-political assertion of the middle class in contemporary non-Western world.


Author(s):  
Tanja Bueltmann ◽  
Donald M. MacRaild

Chapter 1 frames the following discussion of English associations and ethnic activities by charting English migration to North America from the mid-1700s. The earlier emigrants carried with them cultural characteristics, habits and customs that were critical in shaping the social and civic life that marked the English as foundational and invisible within America society. We problematize existing scholarship and challenge the assumption that the hegemony of the English language and the early immigrants’ foundational context provided all subsequent English migrants with a permanent and unchanging advantage over other migrant groups by default. Ordinary English migrants faced the same challenges and hardships as any other group; working-class immigrants in particular dealt with many common economic pressures regardless of their origins. Ultimately, the English had much in common with those of other backgrounds. The English settled in all colonies, counties and states; they were loaded towards the urban and industrial areas, but the focus upon the north-east—in both the colonial and early Republican period, as well as north of the border in what was to become Canada—gradually gave way to greater diffusion: a diffusion in line with the spread of ethnic associations. In the nineteenth century, English-born immigrants—the mainstay of English ethnic associations—came to be hugely out-numbered by several immigrant groups, most notably the Irish, with whom innate tensions were reprised in the new country. Chapter 1 explores such factors as a frame for the study that follows.


Author(s):  
Bogdan Ershov ◽  
Natalia Muhina ◽  
Igor Asmarov

Russian statehood has more than a thousand-year history and traditions. It is obvious that the social, economic, and political development of the country had its direct or indirect influence on the Russian state and statehood itself. Therefore, in this chapter we separately single out the social factors of the development of Russian statehood and the economic factors of the development of Russian statehood, which stand apart from each other. Social factors in the development of Russian statehood are factors in the development of society as a single and complex organism and its social institutions. Social factors are, in essence, domestic political, because they represent the political and spiritual state of the elite and the people, the established system of social relations, internal social contradictions, and social conflicts. The economic factors of the development of Russian statehood are divided into external and internal ones. External economic factors are the proximity or remoteness from the trade routes, and the qualitative and quantitative composition of the country's exports and imports. Internal economic factors are the achieved material state of society, the availability of natural resources and their involvement in the economy, the availability of transport and production infrastructure and its development, and economic crises.


Author(s):  
Kaholi Zhimomi

The north-east has a distinct regional identity, as the land of seven sisters, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim; and yet, has been absorbed into the social, cultural and political scheme of the secular nation since independence. The identity politics resulted in dissatisfaction on the part of the indigenous people, which generated long-term military violence in Northeast India. Today, disempowerment among indigenous groups is enormous. For early missionaries, conversion to Christianity also entailed adoption of the Western way of life. Most of the missionaries in Northeast India were American or Welsh among the Protestants and German, Spanish or Italian among the Catholics. Despite exploitation by colonialists that attempted to replace indigenous customs, revivals paved the way for renaissance for those customs. Today, Christianity is the major religion in the states of Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya, with significant growth of indigenous leaders, both secular and religious. Furthermore, there is a rapid growth of educated young tribals who are qualified administrators, educators, academicians, politicians and theologians. With the effects of globalization and modernisation, Christianity must not be assumed to be an agent of acculturation but an agent that helped in the metamorphosis of indigenous norms into authentic tradition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arne De Boeck ◽  
Stefaan Pleysier ◽  
Johan Put

In this study, we investigate gender differences in adolescents’ anticipated feelings of guilt and shame for engaging in shoplifting and retaliatory violence. More specifically, we examine the extent to which interpersonal relations with parents and teachers, perceived peer delinquency and traditional gender role beliefs have different effects on levels of shame-guilt among males and females, and to what extent these variables mediate gender differences in shame-guilt. We use data collected in a sample of 852 adolescents in Genk, a multi-ethnic city in the north-east of Belgium. Our findings confirm those of earlier research indicating that females experience a considerably higher threat of shame-guilt for engaging in delinquency than males. Factors explaining males’ and females’ anticipated shame-guilt feelings are similar in the case of shoplifting, but different in the case of violence. Differential exposure to peer delinquency and parental follow-up partially mediate the effect of gender on shame-guilt for engaging in shoplifting. Among males, endorsement of traditional masculinity predicts lower levels of shame-guilt for engaging in shoplifting and violence. Among females, endorsement of traditional femininity predicts lower levels of shame-guilt for engaging in shoplifting, but has no effect on shame-guilt for engaging in violence. We discuss the implications of our findings for understanding the contribution of shame-guilt to the social control of delinquency across gender.


Author(s):  
Virginia Comolli

This chapter briefly charts the emerge of the violent Islamist group Boko Haram in Nigeria before detailing its international connections and interactions with Al-Qaeda and, more significantly, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). It goes on to discuss the group’s successful attempts at territorial control in the north east and its leader’s ambition to establish an Islamic state. The text explains how the Nigerians converged with ISIS, pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and rebranded Boko Haram as Islamic State West African Province (ISWAP). This is complemented by an analysis of the practical manifestations of this allegiance, the remaining differences between ISWAP and ISIL/ISIS, and the possibly opportunistic reasons that may have motivated this move and that, in the future, could make the Nigerian outfit look elsewhere for more productive partnerships.


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