Women and Kinship Politics in the 2020 Regional Head Elections in Central Java

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Arif Sofianto

One of the entrances for women in politics is through kinship. In the 2020 regional head elections in Central Java, the nomination of women from incumbent families or political elites took place in various regions. Some have political experience; some have less experience. This paper examines how the nomination and victory of female candidates, whether because of kinship, or the need for experience, personal qualities, or other reasons. This research is descriptive with a qualitative approach, using data from the results of the vote, candidate data, and some related information. This study found that female candidates with kinship relations do not always win elections, but must have political capital, social capital, and competence, as well as support from political parties.

Author(s):  
Dian Eka Rahmawati ◽  
Devi Syahfitri

Women's representation is indispensable in the policy making process related to women's interests and needs. Kulon Progo Regency is the only regency in DIY Province that has increased the number of female candidates elected in the 2019 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence women's elections in Kulon Progo Regency in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses qualitative methods. Data collection is done by documentation and interview techniques. The results showed that there had been an increase in the selection of female candidates by 2.5% compared to the 2014 legislative elections. Factors supporting women's electability: family support, social skills, education and political experience, support from political parties, and solidity of the success team. Inhibiting factors for women's electability: competition with incumbents, lack of education and political experience, open proportional electoral systems, limited funds, and limited campaign time.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Andrea S. Aldrich ◽  
William T. Daniel

Abstract This article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators’ professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to “level the playing field” between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 440-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca R. Jensenius

Quotas for women and ethnic minorities are implemented to increase diversity in political institutions, but, as they usually target only one group at a time, they may end up increasing the inclusion of one under-represented group at the cost of another. Recent work has emphasized the institutional underpinnings of the variation in such outcomes. In this article I show how the intersectional effects of quotas may also vary within the same institutional context, as changes in the pressure to include excluded groups interact with the informal opportunity structures within political parties. Looking at the nomination of female candidates across India over time, I show that, as the efforts to include more women in politics intensified, much of the increase in female candidates occurred in constituencies reserved for ethnic minorities. This pattern may in part be the result of parties resisting changes to existing power hierarchies by nominating women at the cost of the least powerful male politicians, but can also be seen as evidence that minority quotas have created a political space that is more accessible to women.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110184
Author(s):  
Andrew Janusz ◽  
Sofi-Nicole Barreiro ◽  
Erika Cintron

Political parties shape electoral outcomes by determining who stands for election and what campaign resources they have at their disposal. The introduction of gender quotas have led party leaders to nominate more women candidates, however, those women disproportionately lose. We contend that one of the reasons that women routinely lose is because party elites withhold the campaign resources necessary to mount an effective campaign. In this paper, we test this resource gatekeeping argument using data on the provision of campaign resources in Brazil. We analyze the distribution of three different types of party resources: candidate identification numbers, financial support, and television airtime. Our findings show that party elites provide female candidates less advantageous candidate identification numbers, less financial support, and less media access than they provide male candidates. Importantly, we do not find that gender gaps in campaign contributions are attributable to differences in candidate quality. This finding suggests that even when women are recruited to run for office, party elites may still undermine their electoral prospects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mahsun ◽  
Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth ◽  
Solkhah Mufrikhah

This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.


Author(s):  
Ron Johnston ◽  
Charles Pattie

The funding of political parties is an issue of considerable contemporary concern in the UK. Although most attention has been paid to the situation regarding national parties, the new funding regime introduced in 2001 also applies to constituency parties, and some concerns have been raised regarding the limits on spending and expenditure there. Using data released by the Electoral Commission on all donations above a specified minimum to constituency parties, this article looks at the pattern of donations over the period 2001–05. It then analyses the impact of spending on the 2005 constituency campaigns, showing that for the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats substantial donations enhanced their vote-winning performances in seats where their candidates were challengers whereas for Labour substantial donations aided its performance in marginal seats that it was defending.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Nichole M. Bauer

AbstractCurrent scholarship offers conflicting conclusions about whether female candidates have a feminine advantage or a disadvantage. Previous work does not consider whether voters respond similarly to all types of messages that might emphasize feminine stereotypes, such as feminine trait and feminine issue messages. I argue that voters will respond differently to trait-based feminine messages relative to issue-based feminine messages. I test the effects of trait-based and issue-based feminine messages through two survey experiments. The results consistently show that emphasizing feminine traits harms female candidates, whereas emphasizing feminine issues helps female candidates. I use role congruity theory to argue that feminine traits activate feminine stereotypes about women, and feminine issues do not activate these stereotypes. I also show that trait-based and issue-based feminine messages affect Democratic and Republican female candidates in very different ways. These results have implications for the ability of women to win elected office and reverse the pervasive underrepresentation of women in politics.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 506
Author(s):  
Lavenia Lavenia ◽  
Lusia Savitri Setyo Utami

The power blackout on 4th August 2019 in Banten, Jakarta, West Java, few areas of Central Java caused lots of impacts to citizens. This case is directly related to the public interest, so that the majority of mass media including cyber media reported related information. The purpose of this study is to describe how Okezone.com constructs controversial facts or issues to frame a story into news and to discuss how to apply the Journalistic Code of Ethics (KEJ) in framing the news. The theory used is news as media content as well as online media and journalism. This research is approaching qualitative descriptive with Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki framing model analysis method, the author then examines the application of KEJ clause 1 to 4 in the framing data of the related news. The results showed that Okezone.com framed the coverage of the August 4th, 2019 power blackout using the principle of covering both sides. Okezone.com packed controversial issues related to the point of view that cornered and lended negative public opinion to PLN. Then, Okezone.com was still quite good in applying KEJ clause 1 to 4, because only the rules of clause 2 are indicated to be ignored in the reporting of electricity blackout on August 4th, 2019. Peristiwa blackout listrik pada 4 Agustus 2019 di daerah Banten, Jakarta, Jawa Barat, hingga sebagian Jawa Tengah, menimbulkan banyak dampak yang dirasakan oleh warga. Kasus ini berkaitan langsung dengan kepentingan publik, sehingga sebagian besar media massa termasuk media siber memberitakan informasi terkait. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana Okezone.com mengkonstruksikan fakta atau isu yang kontroversial untuk membingkai suatu peristiwa menjadi berita serta untuk menggambarkan bagaimana aplikasi Kode Etik Jurnalistik (KEJ) dalam pembingkaian beritanya. Teori yang digunakan adalah berita sebagai konten media serta media dan jurnalistik online. Pendekatan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan metode analisis framing model Zhongdang Pan dan Gerald M. Kosicki, lalu penulis mengkaji penerapan KEJ pasal 1 sampai dengan pasal 4 dalam data kerangka framing pemberitaan terkait. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Okezone.com membingkai pemberitaan mengenai blackout listrik 4 Agustus 2019 dengan menerapkan prinsip cover both side. Okezone.com mengemas isu-isu kontroversial terkait dengan menonjolkan sudut pandang yang cenderung menyudutkan dan berpotensi menggiring opini publik negatif terhadap pihak PLN. Kemudian, Okezone.com masih cukup baik dalam menerapkan KEJ pasal 1 hingga pasal 4, karena hanya kaidah pasal 2 yang beberapa terindikasi diabaikan dalam pemberitaan blackout listrik 4 Agustus 2019.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 510-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mihail Chiru ◽  
Sergiu Gherghina

This article is the first systematic exploration of the leadership selection process in the Romanian party system. We use process-tracing and qualitative tools, using data from party statutes and documents of the national conventions. We focus on the parliamentary political parties throughout the entire post-communist period. The analysis shows that nothing has changed at the level of centralization of decision, and inclusiveness with the members’ involvement remaining marginal in all parties. The competitiveness of the internal elections presents a more diverse and dynamic picture. We propose a novel typology for cross-case comparisons that illustrates the association between informal decentralization and increased competitiveness. Second, we advance explanations for the persistence of the “exclusiveness” status quo that take into account intraorganizational, institutional, and exogenous factors.


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