scholarly journals Proyección del poder de China en el este de Asia: retos actuales

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (138) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Ulises Granados

This study presents reflections on recent changes observed in China’s relations with neighboring countries with which it has land territorial disputes, India and Bhutan. Subsequently, China’s current attitude towards its maritime neighbors will be characterized. Thirdly, the current aggressive policies of the central government against Hong Kong and Taiwan, and the systematic policy of control of the Muslim minority in Xinjiang are related. The analysis highlights China’s new diplomatic tools to deal with its national and regional security threats. The study concludes with projections on regional and international scenarios for Chinese power.

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Anush Begoyan

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (03) ◽  
pp. 601-625
Author(s):  
TING YIN TIFFANY WONG ◽  
YUAN XU ◽  
YOUNGHO CHANG

This study aims to examine how “One Country, Two Systems” has shaped and influenced the collaboration on cross-boundary air pollution control between the governments of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Guangdong province. The presence of the Chinese central government significantly fostered the start of this collaboration, but the implementation and collaborative relationship were relatively weak and unsustainable due to the two local governments’ largely different interests, goals and political demands. We found that the emphasis on “One Country” especially after 2003 led to the signature of more joint agreements in comparison with what the emphasis on “Two Systems” did between 1997 and 2003. Joint agreements appear to be necessary conditions for effective collaboration, but too many of them without satisfying implementation could have resulted in less concrete benefits. A balanced stress on “One Country” and “Two Systems” might bring an appropriate number of joint agreements with good implementation for more effective collaboration.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 312-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiew Ping Yew

Purpose – With a focus on Hong Kong tourism policy, the purpose of this paper is to explain the Hong Kong government’s conundrum in addressing society’s concerns and controversies over the massive influx of mainland tourists in recent years. Design/methodology/approach – This paper adopts the approach of historical institutionalism, in which the notion of structural-power takes centre stage. It outlines some notable trends in Hong Kong’s tourist arrivals and highlights some of the controversies that have arisen before delving into how existing institutional arrangements and key actors have shaped Hong Kong’s tourism policy amid the city’s shifting social, political and economic contexts. Findings – The prevalence of business interests and the ideology of economism largely explain the Hong Kong government’s stasis in tackling the problems stemming from the large inflow of mainland visitors. Institutional arrangements in the post-handover period have further empowered the business class, giving it an edge over the unelected executive that lacks a popular mandate. Therefore, even if the central government has signaled its willingness to adjust the Individual Visit Scheme (IVS) policy, the Hong Kong government is unlikely to propose significant cuts to the inflow of IVS arrivals. Without further political reforms to boost the executive’s legitimacy and accountability to the Hong Kong people, it is doubtful that the government may emerge from its predicament in the near future. Originality/value – Through the lens of tourism policy and planning pertaining to inbound mainland visitors, this paper aims to assess the current state of governance in Hong Kong. It not only offers a timely look into Hong Kong’s political system 17 years after handover but also explores the extent to which apparent dysfunctions in the city’s governance today are a consequence of institutional incongruities in its political system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yifan Wei

ABSTRACTThis study seeks to answer the following question: What are the organizational attributes that influence organizational responses to institutional complexity? Building on core ideas of organizational imprinting, I argue that organizational response is influenced by the imprint from the dominant logic of organizing during the founding period and from the institutional position an organization possessed at founding. Empirically, I examine the variation in board composition of Chinese state-owned firms listed in the Hong Kong Stock Exchange market. It is found that state-owned firms founded in the market logic dominant period tend to have more non-state directors on the board in that they were organized around the prescription of the market logic and more responsive to shareholders’ demands for legitimacy reasons. Besides, state-owned firms founded by central government agencies tend to have fewer non-state directors because they were born at the center of the socialist system to accomplish strategic goals of the central government and non-state directors may challenge the vested interests. This study contributes to the organizational imprinting and institutional literature and resonates with the contemporary call for a more systematic examination of organizational attributes that influence organizational responses to institutional complexity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 227-239
Author(s):  
Radoslav IVANČÍK ◽  
Pavel NEČAS

This paper presents the ongoing research and, deals, in the framework of interdisciplinary scientific research, with various military and non-military threats and their negative impact on the security of contemporary human society. In this research, the authors point out the continuous deterioration of the global and regional security environment and the growth of symmetric and asymmetric security threats with focus on the air transport, and the resulting negative consequences for the security of the states and their citizens. In order to contribute to the development of security science, the authors examine the issues of terrorism as an asymmetric security threat, focusing in particular on terrorism and terrorist activities of the air transport and measures taken to eliminate terrorism in the airspace.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-658
Author(s):  
Chuanli Xia ◽  
Fei Shen

Abstract Government response to public opinion is essential to democratic theory and practice. However, previous research on the relationship between public opinion and government attention predominantly focuses on western societies. Little is known about such relationship in nonwestern or nondemocratic societies. Drawing upon time-series data of public opinion polls and government press releases, this study examines the dynamic relationships between public opinion and government attention in posthandover Hong Kong. The findings reveal that the responsiveness of the Hong Kong government to public opinion varies across issue domains and is constrained by the political power from the central government in Beijing.


Ethnicities ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Lecours ◽  
Jean-François Dupré

Using a historical institutionalist framework emphasizing the importance of transformative events, this paper seeks to explain the sudden emergence of self-determination claims in Hong Kong and their transformation into separatist ones in Catalonia. The paper argues that the inflexibility of the state in addressing moderate demands for regional autonomy has played a major role in the emergence and radicalization of these demands. In Hong Kong, the 1997 Handover from British to Chinese sovereignty was originally presented as an opportunity for self-governance under the principle of “Hong Kong People ruling Hong Kong” and the “One Country, Two Systems” formula. If Hong Kong nationalism was practically unheard of in the early years of the Handover, the unconciliatory attitude of the central government towards moderate demands for the actualization of the autonomy and democratization frameworks vested in Hong Kong’s Basic Law has directly contributed to the formation of today’s emerging self-determination movement. In Catalonia, the 2010 decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to annul some articles of the reform to the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia and to interpret others narrowly represented a transformative event that took Catalonia onto the pathway of secessionist politics. The secessionist turn was then further fed by the on-going refusal of the central government to negotiate with the Catalan government, notably on the notion of a popular consultation on the political future of the Autonomous Community.


2003 ◽  
Vol 173 ◽  
pp. 214-251
Author(s):  
Fung Kwan

The economic success of Guangdong since 1978 has been widely studied and its contributing factors are several, including the geographical and economic proximity to Hong Kong and Macau, the special economic policies and institutional settings granted by the central government, the pragmatic development strategies – especially those practised in the Zhu (Pearl) River delta, and the extensive overseas Chinese clan relationship.


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