scholarly journals Political Conversion to Islam Among the European Right

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Gulnaz Sibgatullina ◽  
Tahir Abbas

This paper introduces three cases of politicians from Western European countries who in the past have been affiliated with populist parties and recently converted to Islam. This article examines how an act of conversion to Islam enables these politicians to continue advancing their agendas. We argue that the public announcement of conversion allows these individuals to transmit their conservative political program directly to their audiences, circumventing the autocracy of leaders of their respective populist parties. In the converts’ rhetoric, Islam—universalized and freed from ethnocultural associations with Muslim minority communities—fulfils social and ethical functions abandoned by a “secularized” Christianity and, thereby, wages a struggle against cultural liberalism. We posit that conversion to Islam among politicians who have been previously associated with populist parties does not necessarily mean a 180-degree turn from outspoken anti-Muslim sentiments to fully embracing the culture of “the Muslim Other.” Instead, it manifests a movement within the right of the political spectrum: from open anti-multiculturalism to cultural conservatism, from defining European identity as exclusively secular and rational to seeing it as inherently spiritual yet compatible with the Enlightenment ideas on rationalism.

1937 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-181
Author(s):  
E. C. S. Wade

Apart from the passage through Parliament at the end of last year of the Public Order Act, the Courts have in the past few years interpreted police powers on several occasions in the direction of restricting liberty. No excuse is therefore required for examining once again in this Journal a topic, one aspect of which was discussed in the last number. The case of Elias v. Pasmore [1934] 2 K. B. 164 raised important questions as to the right of the police to search premises in the course of making an arrest on a warrant. That case recognized for the first time the validity on such an occasion of a search, which resulted in the discovery of documents (not being documents in the possession of the person named in the warrant) containing evidence of an offence committed by any person, even though the search and seizure were illegal as regards other documents discovered on that occasion. This protection for police action only extends to the actual documents which are evidence of the commission of a crime; but it matters not that the crime is one alleged to have been committed by some one other than the person in the course of arresting whom the search is being made.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiyoung Song

AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 382-406
Author(s):  
Anders Todal Jenssen ◽  
Toril Aalberg

Abstract This paper investigates whether political polarization of the TV audience is emerging also in a typical democratic corporatist system. The study is motivated by the claim put forward by several US scholars, who argue that in today’s high choice information environments, partisans tend to see mainstream media as ‘hostile’ and therefore seek out and select broadcasters who confirm and deepen their worldview (Arceneaux and Johnson, 2013; Iyengar and Hahn, 2009; Tewksbury and Riles, 2015). This demand, they argue, expands the market for partisan TV and contributes to growing political polarization. We ask if there is evidence of a politically polarized Norwegian TV audience, by exploring the relationship between partisan preferences, perceived political bias and selective exposure to TV news. We find that many Norwegians believe that both the public broadcaster and the leading commercial broadcasters are politically biased. Consistent with the “hostile media hypothesis”, people on the right accuse the broadcasters of favoring the parties on the left, whereas people of the left tend to see the broadcasters as favoring the parties on the right, albeit not to the same degree. By using a survey experiment, our study also demonstrates that given the opportunity, the audience does select news stories consistent with their political beliefs from a politically ‘friendly’ broadcaster. However, they also choose news stories consistent with their political beliefs from a perceived hostile news source over politically inconsistent stories from a friendly source. This suggests that ‘friendly’ content triumphs perception of broadcaster bias. Despite widespread perceptions of partisan favoritism in the Norwegian TV market, we find few traces of a politically polarized audience. The main reason for this is that the public broadcaster still draws a wide audience across the political spectrum, as even critics consider this news source as too important and relevant to be ignored.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corina Lacatus

ABSTRACTIn the past year, academics and mass media alike have spoken of populism as a necessary condition for Donald Trump’s success in the 2016 US presidential election. Despite the growing interest in populism for understanding the election, we have yet to provide a systematic analysis of the official campaign discourse and its use of populist rhetoric. To fill this gap, this article proposes an analysis of official campaign statements based on original text data from press releases published from January to June 2016 on campaign websites and tweets published on the official accounts of the three main presidential candidates: Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, and Donald Trump. Data show that the Sanders and Trump campaigns relied on populist discourse to promote two opposing electoral agendas on the left and the right of the political spectrum. Clinton made limited use of populist discourse, mostly in response to the other counter-candidates.


Literator ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-60
Author(s):  
H. P. Van Coller

White Afrikaans literature of the sixties can be seen as typically modernist, work of the later part of the eighties and of the nineties clearly shows all the characteristics of postmodernism. Against this backdrop recent Afrikaans prose writing dealing with the representation of childhood and youth can be discussed on the basis of a few of the best and most representative texts. A tentative conclusion is that Afrikaans writing in the nineties focuses on the individualized past, an approach Linda Hutcheon calls "historical metafiction". The authorial stance in these texts fluctuates between what can be termed nostalgia and parody, and should be seen as part of a traumatic psychological process facing white South Africans in particular, namely having to deal with the past. In Afrikaans prose writing the nostalgic stance is especially prevalent in the (traditional) prose writings of authors on the right of the political spectrum. In contrast the parodic stance (dominant in recent Afrikaans prose writings) not only leans toward postmodernism - the prevailing paradigm in the Afrikaans literary context - but can almost without exception be termed "leftist" and "progressive".


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 227-232
Author(s):  
Kevin Menagie

This article analyses the impact of a recent revival of nationalist narratives in The Netherlands on the issue of European identity. In the past decade, a sensitive and very salient debate has risen around the controversial figure of Zwarte Piet, part of a popular national festival called Sinterklaas. The article explains the nature of this tradition and elaborates on the development of the public debate on the topic. By analysing the defensive reaction towards criticism from Dutch action groups, the European Parliament and the United Nations, the article intends to expose an emphasis on nationalist arguments and invented traditions. It is often argued that the debate has already led to an increase in polarization in the country itself, but the article shows that it could also potentially function as a threat to European identity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-106
Author(s):  
Elena Marcu ◽  
Marius Ștefan Corduneanu

The management of European funds was part of the public agenda, in a consistent manner, for the past 15 to 20 years. Although visible progress has been made since the moment Romania started to access pre-accession funds (Phare, ISPA, SAPARD), to date, with direct effects on the economic growth, the efficiency in implementing it suffered a lot due to the political spectrum intervention, the human resource involved, the volatile administrative framework or even due to the influence, sometimes unwelcomed, of the private sector. The present material tries to unveil some of the causes that affected the implementation of European projects, and also to offer a range of solutions for a better management of it, taking into consideration the fact that the new programming period, 2021-2027, is at our doorstep.


Muzealnictwo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Redakcja "Muzealnictwo"

If we want to describe the surrounding reality, while at the same time trying to grasp the best key to it, it seems that the word “change” is the most appropriate. Museums rank among that category of culture institutions which, while undergoing changes, and caring for their own institutional and axiological autonomy, attempt at the same time to influence the very changes; this, however, makes them face identity dilemmas, the necessity to find the right balance between the responsibilities that are sometimes referred to as “traditional ones”, namely the ones they have towards the collections, and the obligations commonly regarded to be an attribute of “modernity”, these towards the public in the variety of their impressive turnout growth and the increase of their expectations. The way to stabilize change effects, while at the same to stimulate them, also with respect to the closest editing of the museum Annual, are legislative efforts and bills. One could even be tempted to make the statement, this not fully irony-free, that the history of Polish museology is actually the history of implemented and unimplemented legislative projects (the latter dominating), of the attempts to define the position of museums in the context of the synergically perceived “cultural legacy”, of finding for them the appropriate governance model, without rejecting the above-mentioned identity dilemmas. The goal of the “Muzealnictwo” Annual No. 60 is to present an overview of the past and current trials to amend the “Museum Act”, to identify areas for essential corrections, reasons for negligence, yet first and foremost, difficulties in applying them to the culture domain in which the most frequently applied word next to “change” (and most highly appreciated by museum circles) is the word “specificity”. This overview will hopefully contribute to the reflection on the capacity of institutional operating under the circumstances in which the inadequacy between the letter of the law and its enforcement can be observed. Next to the theme that is key to the present issue of the “Muzealnictwo” Annual, you will find the well established and known sections describing the spheres of museum operations, these occurring regardless of the lapse of time and their legislative creations. Piotr Majewski Professor at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw Editor-in-Chief


2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (5) ◽  
pp. 489-495
Author(s):  
Ansgar Kaiser

Abstract In its Tom Kabinet decision,****See the text of the decision in this issue of GRUR International at DOI: 10.1093/grurint/ikaa041. The author wishes to thank Aaron Stumpf, Stefan Scheuerer and Laura Valtere for fruitful discussions. the CJEU took a further step in dealing with digital facts under the InfoSoc Directive. This decision on the sale of ‘second-hand’ e-books through a website has set a number of things in motion: besides distinguishing between the distribution right and the right of communication to the public, the decision also affects the exhaustion doctrine and the coherence of European copyright law. In the past few years, discussions about the so-called ‘digital exhaustion’ and related issues have increased enormously. A few days before Christmas 2019, the CJEU published its long-awaited judgment in case C-263/18, also known as Tom Kabinet, in which it decided that the sale of ‘second-hand’ e-books through a website constitutes communication to the public and therefore requires the consent of the rightholder. This opinion gives insights into why the Tom Kabinet decision was so eagerly awaited, what exactly was decided and whether the CJEU’s decision could fulfil these great expectations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 40 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 459-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meyda Yeğenoğlu

This article suggests that the historical figuration of Islam as well as the discourse of secularization has played a fundamental role in the constitution of Islam’s externality to Europe. The historical figuration of Islam as Europe’s enemy is haunting Europe. The European secularist anxiety today, which insists on the separation between the domains of the private and the public needs to be understood against the backdrop of this history. If Islam’s inability to separate the religious and the political was historically the dominant motif through which Islam was registered as the arch-enemy, the post-secular, post-Enlightenment period registers Islam as an enemy through a cultural gesture. Derrida’s understanding of spectrality and the concept autoimmunity are deployed to suggest that Islam as a specter haunting Europe undermines the sovereign constitution of a self-identical Europe, but this haunting needs to be seen as Europe’s chance for a self-destructive conservation of Europe. European identity has to be rethought and renewed differently and this rethinking requires that we attend to the present as well as the past and future of Europe, which requires the opening of Europe to otherness and responsibility to the other. Such a rethinking of Europe’s history necessitates thinking about colonialism as well the living embodiments of this colonial legacy today, which are the immigrants.


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