scholarly journals Phylogenetic relationships of Argentinean Creole with other Latin American Creole Cattle as revealed by a medium density Single Nucleotide polymorphism microarray

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
Maria Agustina Raschia ◽  
Mario Poli

The demographic history of Creole cattle in Argentina and in Latin America dates back to the time of the Spanishcolonization. This study aimed to investigate the potential use of a medium­density SNP array to describe cattlefromthe most representative andoldest herds of the Argentine Creole cattle breedregisteredat the time of theconstitution of the Argentinean Creole Cattle Breeders Association and to explore the phylogenetic relationship withCreole cattle fromother LatinAmericancountries. Toachieve this goal, genotypes from51 animals on34,008autosomal SNP were used to generate genetic distance matrices based on the proportion of shared identical­by­statealleles among individual animals and animals clustered according to their origin, analyzed by the PLINKprogram.Aneighbor­joining phylogenetic tree based on pairwise genetic distance was constructed using PHYLIP and wasprepared for visualization using FigTree. Amultidimensional scaling analysis was performed to evaluate the levelof relationship in terms of genetic distance among the different animal clusters. Genetic distances between animalsvaried from0.186 to 0.357 when considering all pairs of animals, and from0.186 to 0.338 when considering Creolepairs. The dendrogramobtained showed three major clusters. Cluster 1 included Latin American Creole cattle fromColombia, Guadalupe, Paraguay, and Uruguay, and the reference groups of Holstein and Jersey cattle. Cluster 2contained exclusively Patagonian Creole cattle, while the third cluster included the remaining Argentinean Creoles.The genetic relationship patterns obtainedvia multidimensional scaling showeda close relationship among fourgroups of Creole animals fromArgentina. The closeness between clusters can be explained in part on the basis ofearly migration of animals that gave rise to founders herds at some Argentinean locations. The outcomes of thisstudycontribute toabetter understandingof the compositionof the earlyfounder herds of Creole cattle inArgentina and the relationship with other Latin America Creole cattle populations.

Plant Disease ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. Horvath ◽  
J. M. Vargas

Anthracnose basal rot (ABR) is a serious disease of turfgrasses that is caused by the pathogen Colletotrichum graminicola. The relationships of isolates causing ABR on turfgrasses to those causing disease on important crop hosts (maize, sorghum) remain unresolved. Genetic variation among isolates from annual bluegrass, creeping bentgrass, maize, and sorghum was evaluated based on host origin and geographic origin. Isozymes were used to estimate the genetic variation of the isolates. Five enzyme systems comprising 16 alleles from 5 loci were used. Allele frequencies, genetic distance, and linkage disequilibrium values were calculated for isolates based on both host and geographic origin. Isolates from creeping bentgrass and annual bluegrass were the most closely related based on Nei's genetic distance, while isolates from maize and sorghum were the most distantly related, consistent with their known species-level relationship. Isolates from annual bluegrass and creeping bentgrass had different genetic distances to isolates from both maize and sorghum. Annual bluegrass isolates from different geographic regions had the smallest genetic distance values observed in this study, indicating a very close relationship regardless of geographic origin. Based on these data, it appears that host origin, not geographic origin, plays a more important role in the genetic diversity of these fungi.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Stallings

The debt crisis has been the dominant feature of Latin American economic and political life since 1982. While the Reagan Administration gave greater priority to Central America, it nevertheless managed the international response to the debt crisis. US management initially seemed logical for several reasons: US hegemony worldwide, the traditionally close relationship between the United States and Latin America, and the leading exposure of US banks in Latin American debt. During the period since 1982, however, two of these three elements have changed. Japan has challenged US hegemony, although it certainly has not displaced the United States, and Japanese banks have caught up with their US counterparts as holders of Latin American debt.2 Despite their lack of traditional relations with Latin America, then, the Japanese are becoming increasingly – although perhaps reluctantly – involved in the region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-367
Author(s):  
Viktor Lazarevich Jeifets ◽  
Daria Antonovna Pravdiuk

Relation between oil trade and political regimes, climate change and problems of managing natural resources, mining technologies and fighting corruption and many others constitute the phenomenon of a multicomponent energy policy, the study of which is located at the intersection of natural and social sciences. Latin American region has large hydrocarbon reserves, huge hydropower potential, as well as significant opportunities to generate wind and solar energy. Historically, Latin America has occupied a small share of world energy production - about 5 %, where Venezuela, Mexico and Brazil have long been the only players of a global level. However, in the 21st century, factors such as the discovery of pre-salt oil deposits in Brazil, promising forecasts for the development of alternative gas sources in Argentina and the opening of Mexican oil industry for foreign companies after more than seventy years of the monopoly of Pemex, gave an additional impetus to the development of oil and gas industries of the region. The close relationship between energy industry and political context of a number of Latin American countries makes the region’s energy market less predictable, as changes cannot be predicted using standard industry analysis tools. This article analyzes the most significant episodes of political intervention - external or internal - to the energy industry in the 21st century, as well as the impact that events and decisions in this industry had on the regional policy. The authors analyze distinctive examples of the interconnectedness of these areas, from the “resource diplomacy” of Venezuela to the decisive actions of A.M. Lopez Obrador in Mexican energy in the first months of his presidency, and draw parallels between the chains of events in politics and energy. As the cases of Brazil, Mexico, Bolivia, and Venezuela, cited in the article, show, the cost of error becomes extremely high when its consequences can destabilize both sectors due to their close interweaving.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa Weinberger ◽  
Joseph Robert Burger

We take a human macroecological approach using energy as a fundamental currency to quantify the emergence and future sustainability of urban societies globally with a special look at Latin America. Energetic scaling analysis showed most modern humans in cities in Latin America and elsewhere live at densities of ~10,000 ind/km2, ~4 orders of magnitude greater than our hunter-gatherer ancestors (<1 ind/km2). Meanwhile, modern cities consume ~10,000 watts mostly in the form of extra-metabolic (e.g., fossil fuels), ~2 orders of magnitude greater than hunter-gatherer biological metabolism (~120 watts). Further analysis of World Bank data across and within nations over time showed per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP), energy use, and CO2 emissions are lowest in predominantly rural countries, increase in urbanizing countries and are greatest in the most urban countries. For the same level of urbanization, Latin American countries show lower per capita GDP, energy use, and CO2 emissions than global averages. These trends coincide with changes in employment with rural countries employed largely in resource-extraction sectors and highly urbanized nations in service economies. Latin American countries have higher employment in resource sectors compared to most urban countries. Increasing energy use, especially fossil fuel use, underlies urbanization and changes in economic lifestyle. However, these trends cannot continue indefinitely. Latin America, because of its rich renewable and non-renewable resources, may be spared from future uncertainties inherent to complex human-nature systems including from climate change, energy scarcity, pandemics, migration, and trade agreements if it chooses to: 1) rapidly transition to renewable powered economies, and 2) reduce population and economy size within local and regional renewable biocapacities. A rapid cultural evolution is of the essence.


2011 ◽  
Vol 68 (02) ◽  
pp. 209-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

In a famous account of his travels, titled El destino de un continente, the Argentine writer Manuel Ugarte describes his somewhat disconcerting encounter with the Cuban ex-president José Miguel Gómez while traveling through Latin America during the 1920s. Ugarte, a committed advocate of panhispanismo—the idea that Spanish America was and should be unified by its shared Spanish heritage, especially in light of the “threat” from Anglo- Saxon culture—had come to Cuba to give a series of lectures. Shortly after one of his presentations, the Argentine was introduced to Gómez, who took Ugarte to task for his criticism of Cuba's close relationship to the United States. “You reproach us,” Gómez said, “for not defending our legacy of Spanish civilization, but what have all of you [Latin Americans] done to encourage us, to support us, to make us feel that we are not alone?” Taken aback and made suddenly self-conscious by the accusation, Ugarte concluded that the Cuban was admonishing him for failing to uphold the very principles he was espousing in his lectures. “It seemed as if, through the voice of her representative, all Cuba was saying, ‘It is not we who broke the link; it was you who broke it in allowing it to be cut.’” After some time and much thought, Ugarte came to the realization that “Cuba was not alone responsible for the Cuban situation. Some responsibility was also borne by Latin America.” Through his encounter with Gómez, Ugarte was forced to recognize the limitations of framing what he referred to as the “Cuban situation” exclusively in the context of a cultural war between the United States and Spain. Indeed, the expresident's challenge inspired him to reconsider Cuba's nineteenth-century struggles with both Spanish colonialism and U.S. imperialism in a distinctly inter-Latin American context.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustín Escobar Latapi

Although the migration – development nexus is widely recognized as a complex one, it is generally thought that there is a relationship between poverty and emigration, and that remittances lessen inequality. On the basis of Latin American and Mexican data, this chapter intends to show that for Mexico, the exchange of migrants for remittances is among the lowest in Latin America, that extreme poor Mexicans don't migrate although the moderately poor do, that remittances have a small, non-significant impact on the most widely used inequality index of all households and a very large one on the inequality index of remittance-receiving households, and finally that, to Mexican households, the opportunity cost of international migration is higher than remittance income. In summary, there is a relationship between poverty and migration (and vice versa), but this relationship is far from linear, and in some respects may be a perverse one for Mexico and for Mexican households.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner

In the years after 1945, a flood of U.S. advisors swept into Latin America with dreams of building a new economic order and lifting the Third World out of poverty. These businessmen, economists, community workers, and architects went south with the gospel of the New Deal on their lips, but Latin American realities soon revealed unexpected possibilities within the New Deal itself. In Colombia, Latin Americans and U.S. advisors ended up decentralizing the state, privatizing public functions, and launching austere social welfare programs. By the 1960s, they had remade the country's housing projects, river valleys, and universities. They had also generated new lessons for the United States itself. When the Johnson administration launched the War on Poverty, U.S. social movements, business associations, and government agencies all promised to repatriate the lessons of development, and they did so by multiplying the uses of austerity and for-profit contracting within their own welfare state. A decade later, ascendant right-wing movements seeking to dismantle the midcentury state did not need to reach for entirely new ideas: they redeployed policies already at hand. This book brings readers to Colombia and back, showing the entanglement of American societies and the contradictory promises of midcentury statebuilding. The untold story of how the road from the New Deal to the Great Society ran through Latin America, the book also offers a surprising new account of the origins of neoliberalism.


1969 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Andrés Dapuez

Latin American cash transfer programs have been implemented aiming at particular anticipatory scenarios. Given that the fulfillment of cash transfer objectives can be calculated neither empirically nor rationally a priori, I analyse these programs in this article using the concept of an “imaginary future.” I posit that cash transfer implementers in Latin America have entertained three main fictional expectations: social pacification in the short term, market inclusion in the long term, and the construction of a more distributive society in the very long term. I classify and date these developing expectations into three waves of conditional cash transfers implementation.


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