scholarly journals AHMAD IBN TULUN E SEUS HERDEIROS: O PRIMEIRO EMIRADO AUTÔNOMO DO EGITO, 868-905

2013 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Henrique Rollo

Entre 869-905, o Egito, que, desde 641, era uma província do califado, foi governado por uma dinastia de origem turca que escapou ao controle do Estado Abássida. Esse processo não é mencionado em detalhes mesmo nos livros sobre o Oriente Médio na Idade Média. Ele é apresentado, de um modo geral, como episódico e sem consequências de longa duração. Este artigo intenta explanar alguns aspectos dos acontecimentos e sugerir alguns de seus efeitos sobre a história do Egito.Between 869-905, the Egypt that since 641 was a province of the Caliphate, experienced an attempt to build an emirate ruled by a dynasty of Turkish origin that was not controlled by the Abbasid State. This process is not mentioned in details even by books about the Middle East in the Middle Ages. It is usually presented as anecdotic and without long-terms consequences. This article aims to expose some aspects of the events and to suggest some of their effects over Egypt’s history.

Author(s):  
Jack Tannous

In the second half of the first millennium CE, the Christian Middle East fractured irreparably into competing churches and Arabs conquered the region, setting in motion a process that would lead to its eventual conversion to Islam. This book argues that key to understanding these dramatic religious transformations are ordinary religious believers, often called “the simple” in late antique and medieval sources. Largely agrarian and illiterate, these Christians outnumbered Muslims well into the era of the Crusades, and yet they have typically been invisible in our understanding of the Middle East's history. What did it mean for Christian communities to break apart over theological disagreements that most people could not understand? How does our view of the rise of Islam change if we take seriously the fact that Muslims remained a demographic minority for much of the Middle Ages? In addressing these and other questions, the book provides a sweeping reinterpretation of the religious history of the medieval Middle East. The book draws on a wealth of Greek, Syriac, and Arabic sources to recast these conquered lands as largely Christian ones whose growing Muslim populations are properly understood as converting away from and in competition with the non-Muslim communities around them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-159
Author(s):  
N. I. Serikoff

The article deals with the activities of the Maronite patriarch Gabriel German Farhat (1670–1732) in the field of the Arab bibliography. The author argues that by the 18th century AD in the Arabic-speaking literature of the Middle East, were used two types of introductions to the written texts, the Muslim and the Christian. The metalanguage, which was employed by Muslim authors in the introductions to their texts, was very convenient for constructing book-titles that by themselves built the “data base” of the so-called the Arabic Islamic “virtual catalogue”. The metalanguage used by Christian authors was different, and therefore in the library world of the Middle Ages two traditions were incompatible and therefore existed without intersecting. The Maronite Patriarch Gabriel German Farhat, being a bibliophile and a librarian, in his writings proposed organizing introductions to Christian texts in a Muslim manner, however, preserving their Christian content.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.


2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-329
Author(s):  
Hamlet Isaxanli1

Throughout the history of civilization the art of translation has existed as a bridge that connects different cultures. The article focuses on the history of poetic (and other) translations in the Middle East and territories abutting Azerbaijan from the Middle Ages to the 20th century. It also explores the practice of translating holy books and its influence on the region, as well as the tradition of nezire, or writing a new book under the inspiration of an original one rather than simply translating the original. The second part of the article discusses the history of poetic translation into and from the Azerbaijani language, especially translation work from Abbas Sehhet and Samad Vurghun, two renowned translators in Azerbaijani history. Finally, important aspects of the art of translating poetry are reviewed and analyzed, such as poetic forms and metaphors, rhythm and rhyme schemes, and the style of the text. The article concludes by making the point that poetry should indeed be translated; however, translators must take many factors into account in their work so that the target text reflects as much as possible the beauty of the original.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-45
Author(s):  
Sevda Abdullayeva ◽  
Samira Gasimova

At the beginning of the 16th century, due to the establishment of the Safavid Empire of Azerbaijan, the culture of the people also developed significantly, especially due to the strengthening of the centralized political structure. “Language commonality, which is one of the factors of the national stage of public unity” was a reality that closely united the people of Azerbaijan in the 17th century.In the 17th century, Azerbaijan was remaining one of the most important cultural centers of the Near and Middle East. The ongoing Safavid-Ottoman wars at that time dealt a crushing blow to the cultural development of the people. Many famous Azerbaijani scientists were captivated and taken to Istanbul, and some were transferred to Qazvin and Isfahan. Only in the middle of the 17th century there was a certain revival in the development of science and education in Azerbaijan. There were various educational institutions in the cities of the country, which were the centers of crafts, trade and culture. In the Middle Ages, all educational institutions, including madrassas, neighbour schools, tekyehs, were, of course, religious in nature.A careful analysis of the information provided by medieval historians and travelers leads to the conclusion that book printing was not only known in Azerbaijan in the middle of the 17th century, but even a printing press was brought here. The French traveler Chardin writes that the Safavid Empire, aware of the benefits of printing, was in favor of bringing it to Iran.Generally, the history of Azerbaijan in the Middle Ages (as well as in the XVII century) had the character of a scientific chronicle. However, even the mere recording of real events served to develop the historical thinking of the people, to ensure the connection of inheritance. The expansion of folk art, the spread of cultural potential in the Near and Middle East was one of the features of the development of Azerbaijani culture in the 17th century. Unfavorable socio-economic and political processes had a negative impact on the development of culture in the country.


Author(s):  
Vega María García González

Late Eastern Aramaic (Syriac) is one of the main languages of the Aramaic linguistic group. During the Middle Ages, it became the liturgical language of the Christian communities that arose in the Near and Middle East. Its scholars wrote a large amount of literature and implemented a movement for the translation of Greek theological and scientific works. The extent of Arabic after the Muslim conquest led to the gradual disuse of Late Eastern Aramaic. However, today it still remains a communication and liturgical language in several churches. The aim of this chapter is to offer an overview of Late Eastern Aramaic (Syriac) language teaching at the University of Salamanca, including a summary of the learning goals and a description of the approach and method followed. It is preceded by a brief introduction to the tradition of the studies about this language.


1996 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 431-449
Author(s):  
Michael Brett

Despite their period from the tenth to the twelfth century, at the height of the Middle Ages; despite their position in Egypt, at the centre of the civilization of the Near and Middle East; and despite their prominence as the third Caliphate of Islam, the Fāṭimids lack a satisfactory modern history of their dynasty. This is partly because of the length of their life, which covers the histories of so many hundreds of years; partly because of the span of their empire from North Africa to Egypt and Syria, stretching across the histories of so many regions; and finally because, at the level of Islam itself, their empire was divided between their dawla or state and their daՙwa or doctrine. The doctrine, which focused on the Fāṭimid Imām as the quṭb or pole of faith, gave the dynasty its peculiar strength and endurance. The failure of that doctrine to supersede the Islam of the schools, however, left the Fāṭimids increasingly isolated and ultimately vulnerable. Standing outside the mainstream of Islamic tradition, the dynasty's own version of its history was disregarded. Instead, its components passed out of their original context to be incorporated into the regional or universal histories of subsequent authors. Maqrīzī was alone in compiling his Ittiՙāẓ al-ḥunafā' as a history of the dynasty in Egypt, introduced by a miscellany of information on its origins and previous career.


2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Carrión

AbstractIn 1577 Teresa de Jesús composed the Interior Castle, an account of her spiritual experiences that deployed architectural images designed to incite readers to piety and devotion. Critical readings have identified the castle as a spiritual and aesthetic emblem of Christian hegemony, emplotting de Jesús's works in the rhetorical frame of Reconquista narratives. But the Castle, like the houses in the 1562 Book of Life and the palaces in the 1562-1564 Way of Perfection, moves readers to remember landscapes that differ from a monocultural event, as it narrates the ultimate spiritual encounter in frank dissidence with the hegemonic politics and aesthetics of Catholicism that became the law of the land in Spain after 1492. In line with a diversity of medieval mystical traditions from Europe and the Middle East, the choice of a castle—a key architectural sign of the Middle Ages—as the place of paradox, memory, and experience of the sublime offers clues that de Jesús figured out a way to communicate what seemed to be an unaccountable event in Counter-Reformation Spain: being in the presence of divinity and living to tell such story in cross-confessional terms. This essay analyzes the polysemic traces of the castle built by this mystic woman with the figurative fragrance of multicultural medieval Iberia, a space where she carefully negotiated war, crusades, and other kingdoms of heaven with contemplation, survival (pervivencia), and adaptation.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-140
Author(s):  
Asma Barlas

Perhaps one would not expect a history of “Islamic rule” in the seventh andeighth centuries in what is now the Middle East to illuminate any contemporarydebate on Islam, in particular about whether there is an innate civilizationalclash between it and the (Christian) West. And yet this modeststudy manages to do that, if only tangentially and coincidentally, and if readwith some reservations.Cambridge historians are renowned for their preoccupation with elites,generally of provinces far removed from the centers of power, and hencetheir single-minded focus on the “politics of notables” of relatively minorlocalities. From such provincial concerns, however, emerge more universalclaims about, for instance, the nature of British colonial rule in India or ofIslamic rule in the Middle Ages. Chase Robinson, following this tradition,assesses – as “critic and architect” – the changing status of Christian andMuslim elites following the Muslim conquest of northern Mesopotamia.Three themes are implicit: the interrelationship of history and historiography,the effects of the Muslim conquest, and the nature of Islam. Thus, Iwill review it thematically as well. I should point out that I engage his workas a generalist, not as a historian, and that I am interested not so much in hisretelling of events as in the political meanings with which he endows them.(Re)writing History. To reconstruct a past about which there is such adearth of primary period sources is at best hazardous. For one, where documentssuch as conquest treaties exist, they have little truth-value, saysRobinson. He thus specifies that he is concerned less with their accuracythan with how they were perceived to have governed relations between localMuslims/imperial authorities, on the one hand, and Christians on the other.For another, conquest history in fact “describes post-conquest history.” Thusthe “conquest past” is a re-presentation of events from a post-conquest present,an exercise in which Christians and Muslims had an equal stake sincethe “conquest past could serve to underpin [their] authority alike.”Historians then must disentangle events from their own narration, or at leastrecognize the ways in which recording events also reframes them.Fortunately for him, says Robinson, his work was enabled by that of al-Azdi, a tenth-century Muslim historian. However, even as he admits that ...


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