What Is Africa to Me?

Author(s):  
Arna Bontemps

This chapter examines the rising tide of racial consciousness in Chicago during the early years of the twentieth century. It begins with a discussion of early efforts by Negroes to return to their ancestral homeland, some of them resorting to emigration outside the borders of the United States as a way out. In particular, it considers the influence of Marcus Garvey and his Universal Negro Improvement Association, which splintered into different organizations such as the Peace Movement of Ethiopia and the 49th State Movement in Chicago. The chapter also looks at Garvey's feud with Robert S. Abbott and his visit to the South Side in 1920 before concluding with an account of two organizations that strove to foster racial pride among Chicago Negroes: the Moorish American Science Temple and the Nation of Islam.

Free the Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 79-112
Author(s):  
Edward Onaci

This chapter focuses primarily on the ideas behind and the practice of naming. It argues that name choices are the most fundamental form of individual and group self-determination developed by New Afrikans (and Black Power activists more generally). This chapter historicizes black naming practices in the United States, covering their importance from the era of racial slavery to the moments when Nation of Islam and Malcolm X, among others, were helping instil Black pride in mid-twentieth century African Americans. Specifically, it examines the ways that individual and group names, identity, cartography, and orthography became effective tools for the mechanics of liberation struggle. Taken for granted by both the name studies scholarship and histories of the Black Power Movement, this consideration of naming encourages scholars and activists to think more deeply and critically about the value of politically conscious naming practices.


Author(s):  
Juliane Hammer

American Muslims are often seen as either unassimilable immigrants or as African Americans who only “adopted” Islam as rebellion against Christian-sanctioned racist exclusion. This chapter brings into meaningful conversation these two often divided arenas of definition, agency, and political space by focusing on the categories of “Islam” and “race” and how they have been negotiated, applied, rejected, and forced by and onto various people since the eighteenth century. It shows how Muslims in the United States are both American and transnational, since the relationship between race and religion is globally negotiated. It also considers the intersections of religion and race with gender and sexuality, surveying research on Muslim slaves, naturalization cases in the early twentieth century, Noble Drew Ali and the Moorish Science Temple, the Nation of Islam, the racialization of Muslims after 9/11, and the Muslim Anti-Racism Collaborative.


2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Schulman

In the early years of the twentieth century, the United States created modern resource management—a collection of administrative bureaucracies that reversed long-standing policies of distributing lands into private hands and instead managed the public domain from Washington. The creation of these powerful, independent agencies underlay a broader effort to reorganize and enlarge the national government. The very same administrators who built the new conservation bureaucracies—Gifford Pinchot of the Forest Service, James R. Garfield of the Department of Interior, and Frederick Newell of the Bureau of Reclamation—also led President Theodore Roosevelt's drive for reorganization of the executive branch.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (03) ◽  
pp. 694-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austin Sarat ◽  
Katherine Blumstein ◽  
Aubrey Jones ◽  
Heather Richard ◽  
Madeline Sprung-Keyser ◽  
...  

Why have accounts of botched executions not played a larger role in the struggle to end capital punishment in the United States? In the twentieth century, when methods of execution became increasingly controlled and sterilized, botched executions would seem to have had real abolitionist potential. This article examines newspaper coverage of botched executions to determine and describe the way they were presented to the public and why they have contributed little to the abolitionist cause. Although botched executions reveal pain, violence, and inhumanity associated with state killing, newspaper coverage of these events neutralizes the impact of that revelation. Throughout the last century, newspapers presented botched executions as misfortunes rather than injustices. We identify three distinct modes by which newspaper coverage neutralized the impact of botched executions and presented them as misfortunes rather than as systemic injustices: (1) the dual narratives of sensationalism and recuperation in the early years of the twentieth century, (2) the decline of sensationalism and the rise of “professionalism” in the middle of the century, and (3) the emphasis on “balanced” reporting toward the end of the century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-76
Author(s):  
Sultan Tepe

The Nation of Islam (NOI) is one of the most controversial political-religious groups in the United States. Some define it as an exclusionary race-based group, while others see it as a genuine empowerment movement. Although it has been viewed as an unconventional fringe group, NOI represents an important syncretic movement of its time. Its approach to Islam was marked by a range of currents from the anti-colonial interpretive framework of the Ahmadiyya to Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association forging a highly dynamic narrative to explain the racial injustices and individual and collective requirements of future emancipation. Despite its strong anti-establishment discourse, NOI operates within the parameters legal and judicial system and seeks to reach out to new groups. As NOI faces the challenge of balancing its clashing inner currents rooted in its commitments to orthodox vs. vernacularized Islam or anti-systemic vs. accommodationist policies and often stigmatized by outside observers, it constitutes one of the most promising and precarious black movement.


Author(s):  
Eric Scerri

Th e element rhenium lies two places below manganese in group VII of the periodic table (fi g. 5.1). Its existence was predicted by Mendeleev when he first proposed his periodic table in 1869. This group is rather unique because when the periodic table was first published, it possessed only one known element, manganese, with at least two gaps below it. Th e first gap was eventually filled by element 43, technetium, while the second gap was filled by rhenium. But rhenium was the first to be discovered, in 1925, by Walter Noddack and Ida Tacke (later Noddack) (fi g. 5.2) and Otto Berg in Germany. In the course of an arduously long extraction, they of the ore molybdenite. The German discoverers called their element “rhenium” after Rhenus, Latin for the river Rhine, which fl owed close to the place where they were working. They also believed that they had isolated the other element missing from group 7, or element 43, which eventually became known as technetium, but this was hotly disputed by several other researchers. As recently as the early years of the twenty-first century, research teams from Belgium and the United States reanalyzed the X-ray evidence from the Noddacks and argued that they had in fact isolated element 43. But these further claims have been debated by many radiochemists and physicists and now have been laid to rest, at least for the time being. By a further odd twist of fate, the Japanese chemist Masataka Ogawa believed that he had isolated element 43 and called it nipponium even earlier, in 1908. His claim too was discredited at the time but as recently as 2004 it has been argued that he had in fact isolated rhenium rather than element 43, well before the Noddacks and Berg. Otto Hahn’s first entry into the fi eld of radioactivity was as a student of Ramsay’s at University College, London, just after the beginning of the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Uzma Quraishi

In the early years of the Cold War, the United States mounted expansive public diplomacy programs in the Global South, including initiatives with the recently partitioned states of India and Pakistan. U.S. operations in these two countries became the second- and fourth-largest in the world, creating migration links that resulted in the emergence of American universities, such as the University of Houston, as immigration hubs for the highly selective, student-led South Asian migration stream starting in the 1950s. By the late twentieth century, Houston’s South Asian community had become one of the most prosperous in the metropolitan area and one of the largest in the country. Mining archives and using new oral histories, Uzma Quraishi traces this pioneering community from its midcentury roots to the early twenty-first century, arguing that South Asian immigrants appealed to class conformity and endorsed the model minority myth to navigate the complexities of a shifting Sunbelt South. By examining Indian and Pakistani immigration to a major city transitioning out of Jim Crow, Quraishi reframes our understanding of twentieth-century migration, the changing character of the South, and the tangled politics of race, class, and ethnicity in the United States


2013 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 37-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Darlington

AbstractThe explosion of industrial and political militancy that swept the world during the early years of the twentieth century gave the revolutionary syndicalist movement a prominence and notoriety it would not otherwise have possessed, while at the same time providing a context for syndicalist ideas to be broadcast and for syndicalists to assume the leadership of major strikes in a number of countries. This article sheds new light on the complex nature of the relationship between syndicalism and strikes by means of an international comparative analysis of the revolutionary syndicalist movements in France, Spain, Italy, Britain, Ireland and United States. It presents evidence to suggest ideological/organizational initiative and leadership was of immense importance in understanding how syndicalist movements could be simultaneously a contributory cause, a symptom, and a beneficiary of workers' militancy.


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