scholarly journals Cultural Homelessness, Social Dislocation and Psychosocial Harms: An Overview of Social Mobility in Hong Kong and Mainland China

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jason Hung

In order to facilitate collective decision making and breed productivity, it is important to ensure societies operate in a fair and just manner. Chinese literature has a propensity of relying on sociological theories from the modern West, prompting the review essay to address theories of capital, social mobility, cultural preferences and otherwise based on leading western literature. This review essay addresses how an increase in social mobility of those from lower social origins results in cultural homelessness and social dislocation, in relations to the experiences of psychosocial harms. As per western studies, the review essay examines the extent of cultural homelessness, social dislocation and psychosocial harms faced by upwardly mobilising cohorts in Hong Kong and China. To conclude, the essay argues upwardly mobilising cohorts in Hong Kong and China are likely to experience cultural homelessness, and the corresponding cohorts in China face salient problems of social dislocation. The encounters of cultural and social dilemmas are associated with the experiences of psychosocial harms for both populations.

China Report ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-47
Author(s):  
Lin Shaoyang

In the late 1920s, cultural nationalism in Hong Kong was imbedded in Confucianism, having been disappointed with the New Culture Movement and Chinese revolutionary nationalism.1 It also inspired British collaborative colonialism. This study attempts to explain the link between Hong Kong and the Confucius Revering Movement by analysing the essays on Hong Kong of Lu Xun (1881–1936), the father of modern Chinese literature and one of the most important revolutionary thinkers in modern China. The Confucius Revering Movement, which extended from mainland China to the Southeast Asian Chinese community and then to Hong Kong, formed a highly interrelated network of Chinese cultural nationalism associated with Confucianism. However, the movements in these three places had different cultural and political roles in keeping with their own contexts. Collaborative colonialism’s interference with the Confucius Revering Movement is one way to understand Lu Xun’s critical reading of Hong Kong. That is, Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement was seen as an endeavour of the colonial authorities to co-opt Confucianism in order to deal with influences from China. This article argues that Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement should be regarded as one of the main perspectives through which to understand Hong Kong’s educational, cultural and political histories from the 1920s to the late 1960s. Lu Xun enables us to see several links. The first link is the one connecting the Confucius Revering Movement in Mainland China, Hong Kong and the Chinese community in Southeast Asia. This leads to the second link, that is, Lim Boen Keng (Lin Wenqing), the leading figure of the Confucius Revering Movement in the Southeast Asian Chinese community who later became the President of Amoy University, where Lu Xun had taught before his first visit to Hong Kong. The third link is the skilful colonial administrator Sir Cecil Clementi, who came to British Malaya in February 1930 to become Governor after being the Governor of Hong Kong. We can observe a network of Chinese critical/resistant and collaborative nationalism from these links.


2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-78
Author(s):  
David Austen-Smith

The standard economic approach to designing institutions for collective decision making recognizes individuals' strategically rational motivations for misrepresentation and asks how best, given an objective function, to design a set of incentives and constraints to internalize or negate such motivations. Securities Against Misrule offers, in the author's phrase, an “essay in persuasion” to the effect that such an approach is fundamentally misguided. Instead, Elster argues for a behavioral approach centered on designing institutions for good decision making, rather than good outcomes, by individuals whose actions are chronically subject to emotional, self-interested, and prejudicial distortions. (JEL D02, D71, D72, D82)


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miu Chung Yan ◽  
Ching Man Lam

English For youths to seek employment, social capital is as important as human capital. This article conceptually examines how guanxi, a form of social capital in Chinese culture, may be instrumental in helping young people access jobs. Suggestions of alternative services for helping unemployed youths in Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong are offered. French Pour les jeunes à la recherche d’un emploi, le capital social est aussi important que le capital humain. Cet article examine comment la notion de guanxi, une forme de capital social dans la culture chinoise, peut aider concrètement les jeunes gens à avoir accès à un emploi. Il propose aussi des suggestions de services alternatifs pour aider les jeunes chômeurs en Chine, à Taïwan et à Hong-Kong. Spanish Para la juventud que busca empleo, el capital social es tan importante como el capital humano. Este artículo examina conceptualmente cómo guanxi, forma de capital social en la cultura China, puede ayudar instrumentalmente a la gente joven para acceder al trabajo. Se ofrecen recomendaciones de servicios alternativos para ayudar a la juventud desempleada en Mainland China, Taiwán y Hong Kong.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212199002
Author(s):  
Raymond KH Chan

Proximity to mainland China places Hong Kong at the forefront of the COVID-19 threat, and it has survived the test most of the time. It appears that public compliance with government advice on preventive measures and social distancing, plus the availability of tests and medical facilities, contributed to the successful handling of the crisis. While it is generally believed that trust is crucial for successful compliance and collaboration, a critical review of the case of Hong Kong shows that it was distrust, due to a lack of confidence and skepticism with regard to the government’s values, that caused the public to take early self-protective measures and initiated societal-wide self-help campaigns. Their compliance was actually with measures that the public themselves had demanded and agreed. The government was criticized for doing too little, too late; as well as for failing to put local people’s interests first, and acting for political motives. Despite the success in combating the virus, the government did not enjoy a proportionate gain in trust. This article argues that distrust in government was very much shaped by the perceived dissimilarity in salient values between the government and the public. A lack of transparency and participation in the decision-making process, as well as a lack of emotional connection with the public, also contributed to the distrust.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin Y.H. Cheung

China’s rapid dismemberment of Hong Kong’s legal and constitutional framework is the backdropagainst which both China’s National Security: Endangering Hong Kong’s Rule of Law? (“China’s National Security”) and The Changing Legal Orders in Hong Kong and Mainland China (“Changing Legal Orders”) must be read. Both volumes had the misfortune of seeing print shortly before (in the case of China’s National Security) or during (in the case of Changing Legal Orders) that process. Both books, then, are akin to the remains of Pompeii: they provide a valuable glimpse of Hong Kong’s legal order and legal scholarship at a moment of cataclysmic change – one unlikely ever to be replicated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 289-299
Author(s):  
Jinhyeok Jang

Much has been studied on political representation either in democratic countries or in competitive authoritarian regimes. However, few have attempted to compare across the two. This article fills this gap by comparing democratic and authoritarian representations within the same collective decision-making body: the Legislative Council of Hong Kong. The original data derives from 2465 parliamentary questions made by 243 legislators serving in the last four legislative sessions from 1998 through 2012. The empirical analysis shows that the type of election variable does not have an impact on the volume of parliamentary questions but that it has a strong effect on the composition of parliamentary policy issues.


PMLA ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1757-1760
Author(s):  
Shuang Shen

I moved to Hong Kong about fourteen months ago to teach in a liberal arts university located in the new territories, on the border between Hong Kong and mainland China, about half an hour away by bus. Before coming to Hong Kong, I had taught for a few years in several American institutions, ranging from a community college to a research university. The courses I taught were mostly in Asian American literature, postcolonial literature, and Chinese literature in translation. Immersed as a graduate student and a teacher in American multiculturalism, postcolonialism, and ethnic studies, I have found a great deal of difference between the situation in Hong Kong and the social contexts of the United States and former colonial nations in South Asia, in which most ethnic, multicultural, and postcolonial theories are situated.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-67
Author(s):  
Yan-ho Lai ◽  
Ming Sing

In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the commonly cherished values in Hong Kong, amid the absence of stable and legitimate leaders in its democracy movement, underpinned the formation of a multitude of decentralized decision-making platforms that orchestrated the protests in 2019. Those platforms involved both well-known movement leaders organizing conventional peaceful protests and anonymous activists crafting a diversity of tactics in ingenious ways, ranging from economic boycotts, human chains around the city, artistic protests via Lennon Walls, to the occupying of the international airport. The decentralized decision-making platforms, while having generated a boon to the movement with their beneficial tactical division of labor, also produced risks to the campaign. The risks include the lack of legitimate representatives for conflict-deescalating negotiations, rise in legitimacy-sapping violence, and susceptibility to underestimating the risks of various tactics stemming from a dearth of thorough political communication among anonymous participants who had different goals and degrees of risk tolerance. In short, Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement in 2019 sheds light on the basis of leaderless movements, and on both the strengths and risks of such movements.


Asian Survey ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 820-839
Author(s):  
Patrick Yeung
Keyword(s):  

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