Solidarity and Implications of a Leaderless Movement in Hong Kong

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-67
Author(s):  
Yan-ho Lai ◽  
Ming Sing

In 2019, what began in Hong Kong as a series of rallies against a proposal to permit extraditions to mainland China grew into a raft of anti-authoritarian protests and challenges to Beijing’s grip on the city. Given the gravest political crisis confronting Hong Kong in decades, this research investigates why the protests have lacked centralized leaders and why the solidarity among the peaceful and militant protesters has been immense. This article also examines the strengths and limitations of this leaderless movement with different case studies. The authors argue that serious threats to the commonly cherished values in Hong Kong, amid the absence of stable and legitimate leaders in its democracy movement, underpinned the formation of a multitude of decentralized decision-making platforms that orchestrated the protests in 2019. Those platforms involved both well-known movement leaders organizing conventional peaceful protests and anonymous activists crafting a diversity of tactics in ingenious ways, ranging from economic boycotts, human chains around the city, artistic protests via Lennon Walls, to the occupying of the international airport. The decentralized decision-making platforms, while having generated a boon to the movement with their beneficial tactical division of labor, also produced risks to the campaign. The risks include the lack of legitimate representatives for conflict-deescalating negotiations, rise in legitimacy-sapping violence, and susceptibility to underestimating the risks of various tactics stemming from a dearth of thorough political communication among anonymous participants who had different goals and degrees of risk tolerance. In short, Hong Kong’s anti-extradition movement in 2019 sheds light on the basis of leaderless movements, and on both the strengths and risks of such movements.

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 250-273
Author(s):  
Francis L.F. Lee ◽  
Hai Liang

Abstract Typically grounded in a discussion of contact vs. threat theory, much research has examined the impact of the presence of ethnic minorities in residential contexts on people’s attitude toward immigration. Yet, there has not been much evidence regarding whether the presence of a linguistically-defined minority can create similar impact under specific political conditions. This article examines Hong Kong, where the arrival of immigrants from mainland China has aroused controversies. The presence of Mandarin speakers, under the contemporary conditions, could be perceived as representing the cultural threat posed by China onto the city. Data from representative surveys were combined with district-level census data. The analysis shows that people living in a district with higher proportions of residents using Mandarin as the usual spoken language indeed favored more restrictive immigration policies. Contextual presence of Mandarin speakers also moderated the impact of tolerance and holding of negative stereotypes on attitude toward immigration.


Significance The strike is a major escalation of the months-long anti-government protest movement, causing serious economic disruption for the first time and setting a precedent. The government’s suspension of a controversial bill allowing extradition to mainland China has failed to satisfy activists and a significant section of the public. Police today continue to clash with protesters in several locations around the city, resulting in arrests, serious injuries and destruction of public property. Impacts Use of mainland Chinese military riot police is now realistic. The longer protests continue, the more opportunities there are for miscalculation or radical tactics on both sides that deepen animosities. Limited mainland intervention as a last resort still seems more likely than a risky attempt to intimidate using overwhelming force.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Maria Susana Nedo

Abstract:This study aimed at describing the interaction of the factions in the organization's decision-making process DPRD Malang; with a focus on the kind of interaction both internally and externally fraction of the party over government policies Malang in development projects / peralian traditional market status and Dinoyo Blimbing Malang into Modern market in the city of Malang. Based on the results of field research (Member of Parliament Malang in Malang Parliament Office II) and analysis of data regarding political interactions between members of the board in a fraction in DPRD Malang; especially the interactions between the factions with regard to public decision making (policy Making) in the case of market Dinoyo and Blimbing can be seen the political interaction between the factions in the organization DPRD Malang in various forms, including: conflict, Accommodation, Compromise, and the Coalition in the process of pushing or thwart development policy and the transitional status of both markets.Although the final decision through voting; DPRD Malang still approve policies Dinoyo market development and market Blimbing as the modern market, since the beginning of the discussion on the construction of two projects in the city parliament Malang occur Pros and Cons of each-each faction will be the plan. Semuannya behalf of the interests of the people to remain grounded in their respective party platforms. The difficulties in the market building approvals showed adannya interaction among factions in the party's internal and external parties on development projects in both markets. The change of final views and policies fractions as a result of lobbying-lobbying in the political interaction between factions both in the form of cooperation (Pro) and the opposition (Counter) shows the form of interaction in political communication who conducted members of the faction DPRD Malang internal and external parties resulting in a decision together though through a vote to approve the construction of traditional markets and Dinoyo Blimbing into Modern market. Keywords: Fraction of DPRD II Malang, Interaction and Political Communication, Public Decision


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-196
Author(s):  
Suetyi Lai

Purpose By overviewing the role of Hong Kong to the European Union (EU), the world’s largest economic bloc and a key global actor, the purpose of this paper is to understand any change in international prominence and status of Hong Kong after two decades of its sovereignty return. Design/methodology/approach It is based on analysis of statistics, government discourses and official documents. Findings Main findings are that although the function of Hong Kong as an entrepot of China–EU trade and the ranking of the city as the EU’s trade partners have both diminished, the city sustains its roles as a platform to enter Mainland China, a regional hub in Asia, a major international capital market, a diplomatic counterpart and a partner in socio-cultural aspects to the EU. This paper agrees with the EU’s view that continuous well-functioning of Hong Kong under “One Country, Two System” serves stake of the Union which is keen on helping the SAR to ensure its high autonomy. Yet, the determinants remain Hong Kong and Beijing Governments, which have been and should continue to make use of Hong Kong’s closer tie with the mainland to promote international importance of both the city and China. Originality/value Research on relations between Hong Kong and the EU has been few, especially so in the past decades. This paper serves as a stock-take of the most recent developments in Hong Kong–EU relation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212199002
Author(s):  
Raymond KH Chan

Proximity to mainland China places Hong Kong at the forefront of the COVID-19 threat, and it has survived the test most of the time. It appears that public compliance with government advice on preventive measures and social distancing, plus the availability of tests and medical facilities, contributed to the successful handling of the crisis. While it is generally believed that trust is crucial for successful compliance and collaboration, a critical review of the case of Hong Kong shows that it was distrust, due to a lack of confidence and skepticism with regard to the government’s values, that caused the public to take early self-protective measures and initiated societal-wide self-help campaigns. Their compliance was actually with measures that the public themselves had demanded and agreed. The government was criticized for doing too little, too late; as well as for failing to put local people’s interests first, and acting for political motives. Despite the success in combating the virus, the government did not enjoy a proportionate gain in trust. This article argues that distrust in government was very much shaped by the perceived dissimilarity in salient values between the government and the public. A lack of transparency and participation in the decision-making process, as well as a lack of emotional connection with the public, also contributed to the distrust.


Hong Kong Zhuhai Macau Bridge (HZMB) is believed to be an infrastructure wonder. It is the longest sea bridge in the world which connects Hong Kong with Macau and mainland China. The bridge is seen as an omen of economic boom in the Pearl River Delta, but it brings its own environmental and other challenges to the area also. The congestion in the area is supposed to get worse and so is the air pollution in the city. The big question for local Hong Kong residents is whether the Bridge is worth the cost that has been paid for it. The case has the following objectives: • To provide a context in which the student will look at the political symbolism and economic benefits of large infrastructure projects • To illustrate that, in order to get some kind of economic benefit, the problems that may emerge both related to environment and people • To provide a comprehensive insight into the cost benefit analysis of an infrastructure project.


Author(s):  
Vivian Lee

This chapter examines the trend towards Hong Kong-China co-productions, during which Hong Kong horror films have been in decline due to censorship restrictions in Mainland China. While this mega-market direction is likely to continue in the foreseeable future, Hong Kong filmmakers have made fresh attempts to revitalize this popular genre and inject it with new meanings in the changed and changing context of cultural production and cultural politics in the city. Between 2012-2014, several low to medium budget horror films were released. Local audiences responded enthusiastically and many saw these as a sign of the resilience of the local popular culture to counter or at least deflate the hegemony of the Mainland market. This chapter traces the trajectory of Hong Kong horror through the pre- and post-handover decades, situating horror within the evolving discourse of identity and the issues of local histories and collective memory. It also elaborates on the politics of horror as seem from horror films produced and released in the midst of escalating social and political tensions attributable to a popular/populist “anti-China localism”. The chapter further reflects on the cultural politics of delocalization and relocalization in the context of “re-occupying Hong Kong screens.”


Author(s):  
Johnathan Farris

The architecture of Hong Kong is the built environment contained within the present-day Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China, which also matches the former British Colony of Hong Kong at its largest extent. The region’s architecture, and the literature about it, can be divided into several phases. Pre–urban architecture of the territory consists of buildings built before the British occupation of Hong Kong Island in 1841, as well as later architecture produced in a traditional manner afterwards. This architecture is largely a regional vernacular reflection of broader Chinese traditions. The second phase of Hong Kong architecture is the early colonial phase, from the British cession of the island, through the expansion of the territory to include Kowloon in 1860 and the New Territories in 1898, up to the Second World War. This phase is characterized by the importation of Western building types and technologies and the implementation of colonial planning in the shaping of the city. This era can be subdivided into an initial commercially driven and fairly organic phase, a reshaping of key aspects of the city from around the time of Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee, and a third phase of subsequent transformation in the early 20th century defined by increasing influence of technologies such as concrete and electricity. Hong Kong’s architecture can also be neatly subdivided into two eras since the Second World War. The 1940s through the 1970s were characterized by rebuilding after war and the Japanese occupation, and dramatic expansion, particularly needed to accommodate a massive influx of population in the form of refugees from mainland China. In reaction to the latter, the development of public housing estates and the eventual founding of new towns is particularly significant in the history of Hong Kong. The immediate postwar phase is also accompanied by industrial growth. Around 1980, the city’s economic transformation from a manufacturing center to a hub of global commerce and investment would also have dramatic repercussions. The creation of landmark corporate modernist buildings by globally renowned architects in the 1980s, followed by an intensification of real estate speculation, sets the tone for the city of high-rise architecture that exists today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-150
Author(s):  
Roman I. Fainshmidt ◽  
Dmitry O. Fedorenko

The article provides an analysis of the Hong Kong’s economic role transformation in the context of changes and processes taking place within the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, the paper draws special attention to the development of relations between the city and mainland China (PRC) through the prism of the mutually beneficial nature of these ties for the economic system of each of the parties. In addition, the trade and logistical importance of Hong Kong for the region, as well as its place in the financial system of the APR and the world, are researched together with scrutinizing the factors which predetermined the success of the SAR in each of these areas. The article actively uses the most relevant statistics and materials from Hong Kong official sources and recognized international organizations specializing in assessing various parameters of economic activity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 858-880
Author(s):  
Man Yee Karen Lee ◽  
Yan Lam Lo

This empirical study shows age makes a difference in how people evaluate Hong Kong’s legal and political institutions amid the former British colony’s chronic democratic deficit and rising political discontent since its return to Chinese rule in 1997. Using data from a 2015 survey of 3525 local residents conducted 6 months after the end of the ‘Umbrella Movement’ – a pro-democracy protest lasting 79 days, it reveals a glaring gap between older and younger people in their evaluations of Hong Kong’s electoral system and human rights, and more importantly, the latter’s rising localist sentiment. If perceived illegitimacy of a regime discourages legal compliance, these findings do not bode well for Hong Kong’s long-term governance. The largely youth-led protests that erupted in the summer of 2019 against a now-withdrawn bill that would have allowed extradition to Mainland China, which plunged the city into its worst political crisis since 1997, are ominous signs.


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