MIGRATIONS - JOURNEYS OF THE BROKERS - IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY AND FUTURE THREATS TO THE SECURITY OF 21ST CENTURY EUROPE

2021 ◽  
Vol XV - Wydanie specjalne ◽  
pp. 223-238
Author(s):  
Anna Piotrowska ◽  
Marian Kopczewski ◽  
Julia Nowicka ◽  
Zbigniew Ciekanowski

Contemporary and future threats to Europe in the 21st century constitute an important element of the European Union's security policy. Ongoing wars, terrorism, religious fanaticism and extreme poverty in third world countries led to a drastic wave of refugees that flooded Europe. The article presents the problem of threats related to the increasing migration, as well as the activities of the European Union aimed at preventing the migration crisis. The issue of Syrian refugees fleeing in desperation to Europe, a Europe that does not necessarily welcome them with open arms, was raised. The aim of the presented study is to analyze the situation of contemporary Europe in the context of threats related to the phenomenon of migration. Statistical data published by the most important institutions of the EU Member States, including data related to crimes committed by citizens who are not indigenous people of Europe, were thoroughly analyzed. Eurostat research, data disseminated by the Federal Criminal Police Office in Germany or statistics published by the Italian Istat were used. The conclusions from the above research allowed to verify the hypothesis that the migration crisis is a factor in the multifaceted destabilization of contemporary Europe, and the phenomenon of migration should be considered in this context. Due to the limited volume of the article, the author of the publication presented the most important legal bases regulating legal and illegal immigration, which will facilitate the understanding of the European Union's operation on the issue of interest to us.

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 923-948 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuscheh Farahat ◽  
Nora Markard

The European Union (EU) Member States have experienced the recent refugee protection crisis in the EU as a de-facto loss of control over their borders. They find themselves unable to subject entry into their territory to a sovereign decision. In response, the Member States have sought to regain full sovereignty over matters of forced migration, both unilaterally and cooperatively, seeking to govern a phenomenon—forced migration—that by definition defies governance. Unilateral measures include forced migration caps and a search for ways to circumvent responsibility under the Dublin system. Cooperative efforts by EU Member States include the search for ways to more effectively govern forced migration at the EU level and beyond. Supranational EU efforts include the introduction of an internal relocation scheme and support for Italy and Greece in processing asylum claims in so-called “hotspots.” Beyond the EU, Member States are seeking to externalize protection responsibility to third world countries under international agreements, in particular, by returning asylum seekers to Turkey. This Article outlines the unilateral and cooperative governance efforts undertaken and shows that states' sovereign decisions over migration are significantly limited in the case of forced migrants, both by EU law and by international law.


Author(s):  
Spyros Economides

The European Union’s involvement with and in Kosovo is of three main types. First, it participated in war diplomacy in the late 1990s in an attempt to find a peaceful solution to the Kosovo conflict between Kosovar Albanians and the Serb forces of the former Yugoslavia. This demonstrated of the Union’s limited ability to influence less powerful actors in its backyard through its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This resulted from the difficulty the EU found in attempting to forge a consensus among its member states on a significant matter of regional security with humanitarian implications, the limitations in effectiveness of the EU’s civilian instruments of foreign policy, and the low credibility and influence stemming from the lack of an EU military capability. Second, the EU took a leading role in economic reconstruction and state-building in Kosovo following the end of the conflict. Initially, this was in tandem with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Subsequently, the EU became the lead organization, focusing its efforts not only on the physical and economic reconstruction of the territory but also on building human and administrative capacity and democratic institutions and establishing good governance and the rule of law, especially through its EULEX mission. Third, the EU attempted to help transform Kosovo beyond democratization toward EU integration through instruments such as the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). A significant part of this process has also been linked with EU-led mediation attempts at resolving outstanding issues between Kosovo and Serbia through a process of normalization of relations without which EU accession cannot be envisaged. Throughout the post-war phases of the EU’s involvement in Kosovo, its efforts have been undermined by the most important outstanding issue, the disputed status of Kosovo. Kosovo was set on the path to increasing self-government and autonomy at the end of the conflict in 1999, but it was still legally part of sovereign Yugoslavia. In 2008, Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence. While over 100 states recognized Kosovo, it never acquired enough recognitions to be eligible for UN membership: Serbia does not recognize it and, most importantly, neither do five EU member states. This status issue has seriously complicated the EU–Kosovo relationship in all its aspects and slowed down the prospect of “Euro-Atlantic integration” for Kosovo.


Author(s):  
Daria Sevastianova ◽  
Leili Rustamova

This article analyzes the German leadership in settlement of the three crises faced by the European Union – the eurozone crisis (2009-2015), migration crisis (2015-2020), and COVID-19 crisis (2020-2021) – in order to determine the specificity of the leadership of Germany in the EU. The conceptual approach for the analysis includes the leadership criteria offered by the German researcher Joachim Schild, which allow drawing the line between the hegemonic and non-hegemonic leadership, as well as consider the factor of legitimacy and soft power. The author also discusses the role of factors that hold back the fulfillment of the leadership potential of Germany. The novelty this research consists in application of this approach for determining the specificity of German leadership on the example of settlement of crises and challenges faced by the European Union, including the ongoing crisis caused by COVID-19 pandemic. The use of case study method allows concluding that Germany, indued with, is capable to show its leadership potential only in the conditions of cooperation with France. The author believes that its successful leadership is impeded by the domestic political factors and politicization of the European agenda in the EU member-states. The relevance of drawn conclusions consists in their contribution to further analysis and forecast of the foreign policy actions of Germany aimed at settling the COVID-19 crisis and other challenges faced by the European Union at the current stage of development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Ria Silviana

The EU is a European regional organization which was initially formed due to the economic issue. After that, the EU’s focus expanded to the issue of refugees. Nowadays, the EU’s problem of refugees was caused by the phenomenon of the Arab Spring or Arab revolution that occurred in several Arab countries. Including Syria, which is part of this phenomenon. As a result of the rebellion against the Bashar al-Assad government in Syria, then causing humanitarian problems made the Syrian people feel unsafe to live in their own country, so they sought protection in various countries, including going to European countries. They thought that Europe is a safe area and looks better to provide protection for them. But not all of the EU Member States are able and willing to accept the number of refugees that arrived in their country, even though the EU has the regulations regarding refugees protection. So, the EU’s role is needed to handle the Syrian refugees in its Member States.


2019 ◽  
pp. 197-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Ryan

This chapter is concerned with the various ways in which the migration crisis since the Arab Spring of 2011 has reshaped the reach of the EU border control regime. Within the EU framework, Frontex has acquired a greater role, while Schengen states have new powers to reintroduce internal border controls. In the external sphere, the EU now cooperates with a broader range of third states—Libya and Turkey most prominently—while developing more extensive forms of cooperation with them. The chapter will argue that this pattern—incremental internal changes and hyperactivity in the external sphere—is a product of intergovernmental constraints upon EU policy in a core area of member state sovereignty. The avoidance by EU Member States of legal responsibility for asylum applicants and other migrants is a further reason for the preference for externalization.


Author(s):  
LILIANA BROŽIČ

The end of this year, more precisely 13 December, will mark the first anniversary of the initiation of PESCO. The acronym PESCO is derived from the English name Permanent Security Cooperation. The objective of PESCO is to deepen defence cooperation of EU Member States (EU) in the development of common defence capabilities, joint projects and operational readiness as well as military contribution. In its early beginnings, the EU devoted most of its attention to the economic progress of its member states, which was a very logical goal in the decade following the end of World War II. Later on, the rudiments of security and defence appeared in the form of the Western European Union, Common Foreign and Security Policy and the like. Until the start of war in the former Yugoslavia, the EU did not have a serious need or reason to particularly focus on security. Security policy was just one of the policies that had mainly been present on paper and in various debates. This became particularly obvious in the case of the intensive developments in the Balkans. This case very well tested the functioning of the EU and revealed the need for fundamental changes. One of the results was also an increased engagement in the field of international operations and missions: an observation mission in Georgia, a police and the rule of law mission in Kosovo, mission to assist in the aftermath of a tsunami in Indonesia, a counter-piracy mission in Somalia, and a mission protecting refugees in Mali. The second key milestone in the EU's security and defence engagement was the European migration crisis in 2015. Here, the lack of appropriate policies at the EU level became most evident. More precisely, it revealed the contradictory application of the policies within the EU to member states and their citizens, and to those other countries and their inhabitants who do not benefit from the high values, ethical standards and social advantages when they arrive in unimaginably large numbers. Before the important EU bodies met, consulted, decided and acted, many problems in different areas had been identified. One of the key issues was the security problem. However, there were still many other influences that gave rise to the creation of PESCO. They are discussed by the authors in this issue. Nevertheless, let me just mention that the EU has in some way found itself at a turning point due to the increasingly present Euroscepticism, which was also discussed at this year’s Strategic Forum at Bled.


Author(s):  
Liudmyla Adashys ◽  
Polina Trostianska

The article analyzes the stages of formation of the common foreign and security policy of the Eu-ropean Union. The main events and decisions of world leaders that influenced the formation of the general idea of the world community about the common foreign and security policy are considered. The paper focuses on the constant desire of the European community to agree on the creation of a single effective mechanism for a common foreign and security policy of the EU. Although, in the initial stages of integration, the countries of the «European six» failed to initiate integration in the defense and political spheres. Integration continued to develop in other areas, and European countries and their leaders took new steps to converge in the regulation of the common security policy. The positive and negative consequences of each step of the evolution and formation of the common foreign and security policy of the European Union, as well as the reaction of EU member states and other leading countries to them are highlighted. The current global events that have a significant impact on the mechanism of implementation of EU security policy are analyzed. The opinions of scientists and practitioners, European and world leaders on the implementation of common foreign and security policy are studied. It has been proved that Ukraine, as the leader of the Eastern Partnership, needs to improve its status, use security issues to work out joint decisions on a closer military partnership between it and the EU countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 193 (3) ◽  
pp. 488-501
Author(s):  
Tomasz Landmann

The objective of the article is to establish the grounds for trading in cultural property within the territory of the EU single internal market and to investigate the trading dynamics in importing and exporting such property in the years 2008-2015. The analysis is based on the EU legal acts, statistical data published by Eurostat and a critical review of the literature. The thesis has been formulated that trading in cultural property repre-sents an important element of taking care of the protection of cultural security and potential and demonstrates endeavours for the cultural expansion of the respective EU member states, whose share in the structure of import and export of cultural property on the European Union market is far from being even. The share of a given state in the international exchange of cultural property presents an important aspect of creating not only economic, but also cultural security. In the years 2008-2015, a few European states were able to gain dominance in trading in cultural property in the European Union. Potentially, it poses a threat of cultural uniformity and standardisation, being the phenomenon which adversely affects the protection of unique systems of cultural security in Europe.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (s(10)) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatyana Victorovna Vorotilina ◽  
Oleg Nikolayevich Lauta ◽  
Lyudmila Anatolyevna Popova ◽  
Yevgeniy Anatolyevich Pervyshov ◽  
Anatoliy Kirillovich Kiselyov

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