All Our Trials

Author(s):  
Emily L. Thuma

All Our Trials: Prisons, Policing, and the Feminist Fight to End Violence is a history of grassroots activism by, for, and about incarcerated domestic violence survivors, criminalized rape resisters, and dissident women prisoners in the 1970s and early 1980s. Across the country, in and outside of prisons, radical women participated in collective actions that insisted on the interconnections between interpersonal violence against women and the racial and gender violence of policing and imprisonment. These organizing efforts generated an anticarceral feminist politics that was defined by a critique of state violence; an understanding of race, gender, class, and sexuality as mutually constructed systems of power and meaning; and a practice of coalition-based organizing. Drawing on an array of archival sources as well as first-person narratives, the book traces the political activities, ideas, and influence of this activist current. All Our Trials demonstrates how it shaped broader debates about the root causes of and remedies for violence against women as well as played a decisive role in the making of a prison abolition movement.

Author(s):  
Traci C. West

This chapter presents the interdisciplinary framework of the book and its core argument linking issues of racism and religion--particularly heteropatriarchal Christianity--in the cultural support for gender violence. It argues that the conjoined presence of religion, anti-black racism, and sexual violence against women in American history of slavery and colonialism compels a similarly transnational exploration of inspiration from Africana activists and scholars to address U.S. gender violence. A methodological overview describes the book’s theoretical foundations in feminist and womanist studies, and how tools of ethnography, anthropology, and Christian theo-ethics inform the its unconventional narrative approach. The U.S.-based analysis features snapshots of the author’s encounters with leaders and their contexts, not a broad survey or comparison of gender violence in Ghana, South Africa, and Brazil.


Author(s):  
Caroline Bettinger-López

International human rights treaties and monitoring bodies have repeatedly called upon governments to develop national plans of action to eliminate violence against women. Although the U.S. is a global leader in the violence against women arena, it has never developed a national plan of action. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), despite its substantial contributions, does not contain some of the core features of a national action plan—such as a strategic vision for ending violence against women, or a declaration that violence against women is a human rights violation and a form of sex discrimination, or a set of goals or benchmarks to measure progress. This chapter examines the key elements of national action plans on violence against women, and ultimately argues that in the Trump era, a national action plan can best be developed through coordinated action at the state and local levels.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Isabel Goyes Moreno ◽  
Sandra Montezuma M.

Resumen: Como resultado de una revisión de los fallosproferidos por los juzgados municipales, los juzgadosde circuito y la Sala Penal del Tribunal Superior delDistrito Judicial de Pasto, entre los años 2005 y 2011,en relación con los delitos de violencia cometidos contramujeres, fue posible establecer que las principales formasde agresión contra la mujer se enmarcan dentro delos delitos de acceso carnal violento, actos sexuales yacceso carnal abusivo con menor de 14 años, homicidio,violencia intrafamiliar y lesiones personales. La parejao ex pareja sentimental de las mujeres, se constituye enuno de los principales victimarios en estos casos, aunqueresulta alarmante el alto porcentaje de episodios en losque el agresor forma parte del grupo familiar de la víctima,especialmente aquellos tan cercanos en grado deconsanguinidad como lo es el padre, el abuelo, el tío o elhijo. Causa gran preocupación el tiempo trascurrido entrela ocurrencia de los hechos y la fecha del fallo, situaciónque en muchos casos supera los siete años. Además,en la mayoría de administradores de justicia pervivenformas patriarcales de entender los roles de hombres ymujeres en la vida social, lo que se manifiesta en unajusticia comprensiva de la violencia masculina y condenatoriade los roles femeninos no tradicionales.Palabras clave: justicia, género, violencia, mujeres, NariñoJustice and Gender in Nariño in Cases of Violenceagainst WomenAbstract: Following a review of the judgments handeddown by the municipal courts, circuit courts and theCriminal Division of the Superior Court of the JudicialDistrict of Pasto, between 2005 and 2011, in relationto crimes of violence against women, it was possibleto establish that the most common forms of aggressionagainst women were violent carnal acts, sexual and abusivecarnal acts with girls under 14 years of age, homicide,family violence and personal lesions. The woman’spartner or ex-partner is one of the most common aggressors,although it is alarming that in high percentagesof cases the aggressor is a member of the family, especiallyfathers, grandfathers, uncles and sons. It is alsoworrisome that the time lapse between the occurrenceof the facts and the sentence given was in many casesmore than seven years. Additionally, most administratorsof justice exhibit patriarchal ways of understanding theroles of men and women in society, which is manifestedin judicial leniency toward male violence and condemnationof non-traditional female roles.Keywords: justice, gender, violence, women, Nariño


Author(s):  
Ana Soledad Gil ◽  
Esteban Zunino ◽  
Jimena Marín ◽  
Valeria F. Hasan ◽  
Tatiana Pizarro ◽  
...  

<p><strong>Resumen </strong></p><p>El artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación colectiva que tuvo como propósito analizar, desde una mirada crítica y de género/feminista, narrativas periodísticas, discursos y sentidos en disputa expresados por medios gráficos de la provincia de Mendoza, Argentina, sobre distintas problemáticas de género como la violencia contra las mujeres. Entre otros hallazgos, a través del análisis cuanti-cualitativo de las construcciones noticiosas, el trabajo revela de qué manera la agenda de los temas de género ha quedado subsumida a la problemática de la violencia de género/femicidios tratada desde el punto de vista policial. La espectacularización a través de diferentes herramientas como la personalización, la descontextualización y la dramatización, se ha convertido en un mecanismo recurrente en la construcción de tales informaciones.</p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The article presents the results of a collective research that had the purpose of analyzing, from a critical and gender / feminist perspective, journalistic narratives, discourses and senses in dispute expressed by graphic media of the province of Mendoza, Argentina, on different topics of gender such as violence against women. Among other findings, through the quantitative-qualitative analysis of news constructions, the paper reveals how the agenda of gender topics has been subsumed to the problem of gender violence / femicide treated from the police point of view. The spectacularization, through different tools such as personalization, decontextualization and dramatization, has become a recurrent mechanism in the construction of this information.</p>


Intersections ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalma Feró

In the history of post-WWII Western emancipation movements, a marked shift took place from a liberation to a recognition paradigm. The latter embodies a distinctly post-political conceptualisation of social justice in its (re)formulation of the political with respect to the personal and with respect to social relations. As a result, recognition politics not only gives way to the fragmentation of justice claims, but also weaponises them against each other, as for instance ‘sexual and gender minority’ politics have expropriated crucial political arenas from feminist politics. These permutations of recognition politics are not the result of spontaneous, inevitable development, but that of political intervention devised to transform, neutralise, and absorb radical politics. Recognition politics has thus become a basic hegemonic strategy of transformism, consensus-building, and the forging of ‘common sense.’ Despite the mechanisms deployed to manage its internal contradictions (like the rainbow coalition and intersectionality), reinvigorated criticisms have blamed recognition politics for the crumbling of the current hegemony of liberalism. However, recognition seems to have been so deeply embedded in the social and cultural imagination that apparently neither internal critiques, nor the currently emerging counter-hegemonic projects can shake it off.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Lina Abirafeh

Lina Abirafeh describes the global conditions of gender equality and violence against women. She offers a brief history of her work to prevent violence against women and to build a better world for women. The author outlines the current promises and challenges for women’s equality in the Arab states, and the role of the Arab Institute for Women in realizing those promises and overcoming the challenges. She ends with a call for support of feminist activists and gender equality-focused organizations, including the Arab Institute for Women.


Author(s):  
Victoria Ruétalo

Director-producer-actor Armando Bó made films featuring nude appearances by the voluptuous star Isabel “Coca” Sarli that challenged the social constraints that were taking hold in a more restrictive and violent Argentina. The period from the fall of Juan Domingo Perón in 1955 until the end of the “Guerra Sucia” or Dirty War in 1983 marked a volatile time in the history of Argentina, with ever-increasing acts of state violence. It coincided with a parallel in the film industry: the state began to intervene in production and exhibition practices through laws that limited what was seen on the screen, until censorship was formally legalized. The work of Bó and Sarli falls perfectly within the historical period of onscreen and offscreen violence. The enterprise began in 1956, and their final film was released in 1984 (after the end of the dictatorship and the death of the director). The couple produced films that suffered from the aggressive effects of censorship—through the cutting of specific scenes that displayed the female body—and reflected the growing violence in everyday life. Films like Carne (Flesh, 1968) and Furia infernal (Ardent summer, 1973) tell simple stories of seemingly weak females and aggressive macho males. A closer look at their narratives, however, reveals a more complex femininity and masculinity, one where violence begets violence. Throughout the twenty-seven films they made together, Bó and Sarli consistently revealed sexuality and gender issues at a time when these were invisible in Latin America.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (09) ◽  
pp. 19-30
Author(s):  
Macarena Car Silva

El presente artículo hace una breve revisión –desde la historia del derecho– de los esfuerzos que en materia legislativa ha hecho nuestro país por visibilizar la violencia de género desde el advenimiento de la democracia, haciendo hincapié en que el esfuerzo hecho ha tenido un éxito relativo en materia de violencia contra la mujer,y sólo en sus aspectos más íntimos de la vida. This article briefly reviews –from the perspective of the history of law– the efforts in legislation that our country has made to view gender violence since the advent of democracy, emphasizing that the effort has been relatively successful on violence against women, and onlyin their most intimate aspects of life.


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