Racial Thinking

Author(s):  
John Hartigan
Keyword(s):  

Chapter Three examines racial thinking from a number of angles, beginning with the nativist anxiety over transgenic threats to the razas de maíz that has pulsated through Mexican public discourse over the last decade; then shifting to agronomic efforts to survey the condition of the razas in the state of Guanajuato, specifically.

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (472) ◽  
pp. 531-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ngala Chome

Abstract This article traces the evolution of an Islamist ideology in Kenya’s public discourse, putting Islamist ideas within a longer history of Muslim politics than most other studies. Specifically, it examines internal debates amongst the minority Muslim population of Kenya, and debates between Muslims and the state and Muslims and the wider Christian public, regarding how to improve the Muslim condition in a Christian-dominated country. The immediate background for the emergence of Islamist ideas is then discussed through an examination of trends since the 1990s, including increased contestations of religious and political authority, and responses to Muslim activism by the state and the wider Christian public. The article concludes that Islamist politics in Kenya, and elsewhere, are more often than not a result of local histories as much as they are part of a global Muslim ‘victimization’ narrative.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Philip J. Dermer

The following document, previously unpublished, was written in March 2010 by a recently retired ( June 2009) U.S. Army colonel with thirty years experience in the Middle East, including tours of duty and advisory roles (in both military/security and civilian domains) from North Africa to the Persian Gulf. The subject of the informal report is the author's first two trips as a "civilian" to Israel and the West Bank, where he had served two tours of duty, most recently as U.S. military attachéé in Tel Aviv during Israel's 2005 unilateral disengagement from Gaza and the formation of the U.S. Security Coordinator's (USSC) mission to reform Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces. Written as an internal document for military colleagues and government circles, the report has been circulating widely——as did the author's earlier briefings on travel or missions in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and especially Iraq——among White House senior staff, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Defense Intelligence Agency, CENTCOM (U.S. Central Command), EUCOM (U.S. European Command), and the USSC team. The document's focus is the state of the "peace process" and the current situation in the West Bank, with particular attention to the PA security forces and the changes on the ground since the author's last tour there ended in mid-2007. But the real interest of the paper lies in the message directed at its intended audience of military and government policy officials——that is, its frank assessment of the deficiencies of the U.S. peace effort and the wider U.S. policy-making system in the Israel-Palestine arena, with particular emphasis on the disconnect between the situation on the ground and the process led by Washington. The critique has special resonance in light of the emerging new thinking in the administration fueled by the military high command's unhappiness (expressed by CENTCOM commander General David Petraeus and Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Admiral Michael Mullen) with the State Department's handling of Middle East diplomacy, especially with regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, on the grounds that diplomatic failures are having a negative impact on U.S. operations elsewhere in the region. For most JPS readers, the report has additional interest as an insider's view of the U.S. security presence in the Israel-Palestine arena. It also reflects a military approach that is often referenced but largely absent in public discourse and academic writings. The author, in addition to his tours of duty and peacekeeping missions in various Middle Eastern countries, has served as advisor to two U.S. special Middle East envoys, the U.S. negotiating team with Syria, General Petraeus, Lieutenant General Keith Dayton, Vice President Dick Cheney, and, more generally, to CENTCOM, the Department of Defense, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff, among others. In retirement, he has worked with CENTCOM as a key primary subject matter expert in the development of analyses and solutions for its area of responsibility, leads predeployment briefings for army units heading to Iraq, and travels frequently to Iraq and elsewhere in the region as an independent consultant. He is currently in Afghanistan with the CENTCOM commander's Afghanistan-Pakistan Center of Excellence. The report, made available to JPS, is being published with the author's permission.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-394
Author(s):  
Barbara Hargrove

“The church is a primary agent for bearing and transmitting the operative values for our society. This is true not only in the sense that most Americans identify their most important values as being religious in character, but also in the sense that the values that inform our public discourse are inseparably related to specific religious traditions. In the absence of the church and other mediating structures that articulate these values, the result is not that the society is left without operative values; the result is that the state has an unchallenged monopoly on the generation and maintenance of values.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Summer) ◽  
pp. 94-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam Mecky

This article explores the interplay of the politics of moral panics, hegemonic state discourses, and the notion of masculinity in Egypt after the 2011 uprising. As sexual violence in the public sphere has become more visible in Egyptian mainstream public discourse post-2011, the state narrative was often anchored in morality and stability. Through examining three incidents of sexual violence, I attempt to unpack the state rhetoric that aims to police bodies, deeming certain female bodies violable, and vilifying male and female subjectivities. Through the logic of the masculinist state, I examine how the Egyptian state polices women’s bodies and consolidates male sexual dominance over women, using the politics of moral panics. The state, I argue, aims to reinforce its hegemonic masculinity to maintain control over the gendered public sphere and eliminate prospects of socio-political change, thereby consolidating the gendered architecture of citizenship.


Subject Salafism impact on Muslim societies. Significance Salafism (‘ancestralism’) is an ultra-conservative ideology adopted by a variety of Muslim individuals and organisations. It claims to reveal the authentic Islam of the first three generations of ‘pious forefathers’ (Arabic: al-salaf al-salih) from the time of the Prophet Mohammed. Salafis seek to 'purify' and thereby change other Muslims’ behaviour. These aims can be pursued by ‘top-down’ methods of engaging the state via activist struggle (jihad), or by ‘bottom-up’ strategies of engaging society via quietist proselytisation (da‘wa): that is, with or without violence. Impacts The core salafi doctrine of (‘loyalty [to Muslims] and disavowal [of non-Muslims]’) encourages its followers’ isolation from wider society. Competition for authenticity will further divide Muslim communities by ‘condemning the other’. Salafi-inspired organisations will seek to dominate public discourse and definitions of Islam.


Author(s):  
Martin O'Donoghue

This chapter explores the place of the Irish Party in the public memory as well as the views of grassroots supporters in the state up to the formation of the Irish National League in 1926. There is detailed analysis of how the Irish Party and its leaders were remembered, including debate concerning how those from home rule backgrounds commemorated Ireland’s part in the First World War. However, pointing out that Great War commemorations extended beyond merely gatherings of former Irish Party followers, this chapter interrogates the phenomenon of Redmondite commemorations. This chapter argues that these events demonstrated a clear reservoir of support for John Redmond and the Irish Party in a state where it has previously been suggested that the former leader had been forgotten. This chapter also considers the extant networks of Irish Party supporters which persisted into the Free State such as the Ancient Order of Hibernians and the National Club.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-380
Author(s):  
ROSS CARROLL

The Third Earl of Shaftesbury has been celebrated for his commitment to free public discourse regulated only by standards of politeness, a commitment exemplified by his defence of the freedom to ridicule. This article complicates this picture by tracing Shaftesbury's response to the early eighteenth-century crisis of public speech precipitated by the demise of pre-publication censorship and growing uncertainty about intellectual property in the print trade. Shaftesbury, the article shows, was a determined opponent of pre-publication censorship through licensing, but he was also aware of the dangers posed to religious liberty by, in particular, clerical attacks on toleration, and sought ways to curb them that included corrective action by the state. When the Whigs opted to impeach the High Church cleric Henry Sacheverell, whose supporters had capitalized on an unregulated print market to disseminate his sermons ridiculing Whig principles, Shaftesbury expressed satisfaction with this use of state power to silence him. But he did not stop there. The article reads Shaftesbury's 1710Soliloquy, or Advice to an Authoragainst the backdrop of the Sacheverell controversy, and shows how the earl used it to undercut Sacheverell's claim that clerical speech enjoyed special status.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (0) ◽  
pp. 89-103
Author(s):  
Lech M. Nijakowski

The article presents the results of the systematic analysis of the resolutions of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland (10th–8th terms of office) as a mechanism aimed at shaping the collective memory of the Polish society. It outlines a research field and characterizes a legislative mechanism. Further, the article discusses research techniques and methods, and presents partial research results. The author shows that commemorative resolutions are an important element of the state politics of memory and lead to the emergence of various commemorative initiatives. On the other hand, their significance is moderated by the state of collective memory and the dominant topoi and public discourse strategies. Most often the resolutions using the so-called “constructive strategies” do not seek to radically reformulate the state of social historical consciousness. They disregard inconvenient persons and events and foster petrification of social imagination and marginalization of the minority communities of memory.


Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 146488491987985 ◽  
Author(s):  
Satveer Kaur-Gill ◽  
Asha Rathina Pandi ◽  
Mohan Jyoti Dutta

Foreign domestic workers from industrializing economies migrate to Singapore to feed its labor market, meeting the growing need for performing feminized labor. Although foreign domestic workers have been an integral part of Singaporean households since the 1970s, the presence of foreign domestic workers in contemporary public discourse remains eclipsed. However, the civil society landscape has witnessed increasing articulations and mobilization of civil society actors on the rights of foreign domestic workers, framing the problems experienced by foreign domestic workers in the language of rights. Given the role of mainstream media as a developmental structure in carrying out the information dissemination function of the state in predominantly economic terms that serve the pragmatic ideology of the state, how are foreign domestic workers constructed in mainstream media discourse? What do we learn from these constructions about the interplays of feminized labor, media discourse, civil society, and the state? The article examines the kinds of media frames present in the discussion and portrayal of foreign domestic workers using a mixed-methods approach.


2011 ◽  
Vol 636 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suad Joseph

Patrimonialism has been used to explain the “backwardness” of Middle Eastern states, their “lacks.” Patrimonialism, however, may undermine its own insights by creating false binaries and false histories. The author suggests family/families as a point of departure and political familism as a conceptual step toward reframing analysis of state/citizen relationships in Lebanon. Political familism refers to the deployment of family institutions, ideologies, idioms (idiomatic kinship), practices, and relationships by citizens to activate their demands in relation to the state and by state actors to mobilize practical and moral grounds for governance based on a civic myth of kinship and public discourse that privileges family. Political familism addresses the processes by which states and citizens mutually constitute a set of public practices that reproduce the privileged position of “family,” even as specific family relations and practices diverge from discursive presumptions.


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