Uchwały sejmowe jako mechanizm polityki pamięci

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (0) ◽  
pp. 89-103
Author(s):  
Lech M. Nijakowski

The article presents the results of the systematic analysis of the resolutions of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland (10th–8th terms of office) as a mechanism aimed at shaping the collective memory of the Polish society. It outlines a research field and characterizes a legislative mechanism. Further, the article discusses research techniques and methods, and presents partial research results. The author shows that commemorative resolutions are an important element of the state politics of memory and lead to the emergence of various commemorative initiatives. On the other hand, their significance is moderated by the state of collective memory and the dominant topoi and public discourse strategies. Most often the resolutions using the so-called “constructive strategies” do not seek to radically reformulate the state of social historical consciousness. They disregard inconvenient persons and events and foster petrification of social imagination and marginalization of the minority communities of memory.

Author(s):  
Yekaterina I. Krasilnikova ◽  
◽  

The author explores the problem of reflecting the collective memory of Siberians about the exiled Decembrists in the memorial space of Irkutsk at different historical stages. The aim of the article is to characterize the developing dynamics of a segment of the memorial space system that includes Irkutsk's memorial places associated with the Decembrists in the chronological framework of the Soviet period of Russian history. The study is based on the principle of historicism. The methodological reference point of the research is the problem field of memory studies; the concepts of the places of memory of P. Nora and cultural memory of J. Assmann and A. Assmann are used. The author also employs historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods. Within the framework of the Soviet period, three stages of forming the segment of the Irkutsk memorial space associated with the memory about the Decembrists were identified. The first stage, from the 1910s till 1925, reflects the general weakness of Irkutsk city residents' collective memory about the Decembrists, which was manifested in neglecting memorial sites, and the beginning of the awakening of interest in the Decembrists among the local liberal-minded intelligentsia. At the second stage, from 1925 (the 100th anniversary of the Decembrist uprising) till the 1960s, under the influence of the state politics of memory that recognized the Decembrists as the first generation of Russian revolutionaries, the intelligentsia of Irkutsk were actively forming the locus of the Decembrists' memorial space in their city. Based on the memory about the Decembrists, the intelligentsia was constructing their social identity. But the local authorities did not provide the intelligentsia with the desired support, which significantly complicated achieving the memorialization tasks. At the third stage, in the 1960s-1980s, the memory about the Decembrists' stay in Irkutsk was in demand among the local authorities, who used it especially actively during celebrations dedicated to the anniversaries of the city. Many memorable places were designated, and their protection was improved. The sharply increased attention of Irkutsk local administration and city residents to the exiled Decembrists reflected the growth of their regional identity. The author revealed the dependence of reflecting the collective memory about the Decembrists in the Irkutsk memorial space on the state and regional politics of memory, as well as on the local intelligentsia initiatives, for which the memory about the Decembrists served as one of the foundations for constructing their social identity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Jaskulowski ◽  
Piotr Majewski

The article discusses the connections between nationalism and history teaching in the context of dominant structures of collective memory in Poland. Drawing on qualitative research in Upper Silesian schools, the article analyses in detail how the state-sponsored history is enacted and resisted by the teachers in school practice. The article also demonstrates the advantages of processual conceptualisation of collective memory. It provides further theoretical insight by bringing together three strands of literature: memory studies, nationalism studies and critical media analysis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-16
Author(s):  
A. A. Linchenko ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the specificity and transformation of the research field of the collective memory of migratory communities. It was shown that the era of multiculturalism, which contributed not only to an increase in the number of studies, but also to the expansion of the very aspects of the study of the topic, played a key role in the study of the memory of migratory communities. Three main areas of research were identified and analyzed: a) personal and group memories of migration, as well as the specificity of the collective memory of various migration groups; b) the study of collective perceptions of the past of migrants in the context of the politics of incorporation and the politics of memory of host societies; c) study of the representation of the historical experience of migrations and migratory communities in museum practice. The idea was substantiated that the theoretical and practical potential of addressing the memory of migratory communities contributed not only to the transformation of the research optics of memory studies, but also showed the inevitability of significant changes in the understanding of ontology of collective memory. This found expression in the actualization of the transcultural turn, focused on overcoming methodological nationalism and considering collective memory not only within the framework of certain cultures or communities, but also it’s dynamic beyond cultural and social boundaries. The article analyzes the significance of the transcultural turn for research into the collective memory of migrants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. V. Podyachev ◽  
I. A. Khaliy

The article considers the document Foundations of the State Youth Policy and its implementation in the Russian regions. This analysis allowed the authors to show that the document provides neither a political strategy nor effective management measures. The authors present the results of the analysis of the youth policy implemented by government agencies online - on the websites of regional administrations and in the social network VKontakte. The websites do not provide any current information, while the social network, on the contrary, is quite effective. The article describes the perception of the state youth policy by regions and local communities based on the empirical research conducted in 2018-2019 in 7 regions of the Russian Federation - the Tver, Kursk, Pskov, Astrakhan, Rostov, Moscow Regions and the Republic of Karelia. The main methods of data collection were in-depth interviews and focus groups (43 interviews and 26 focus groups). Respondents represented regional and municipal administrations, including departments of the youth policy, local enterprises - industrial, commercial, hotels, etc., health and education organizations, cultural institutions and youth groups. There were also focus groups with the youth: 3 groups with university students and 3 groups with students of special secondary institutions. The article shows inefficiency of the two poles approach - when the state aims at supporting the talented youth and the most vulnerable groups (orphans, children from dysfunctional families, etc.). Such an approach excludes from the policy and public discourse the middle youth that needs but lacks rather participation in the life of the country than financial support. Today only the forum campaign is implemented, in which the youth are happy to participate, but this campaign cannot strengthen the youths social role. Thus, there is still no system youth policy in Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Piotr Machnikowski

The much-publicised and rather unfortunate amendment of 2018 to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance introduced not only the controversial and subsequently repealed penal provisions, but also the provisions on “Protection of the good name of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation”. According to these, protecting the good name of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Nation is subject to the provisions of the Civil Code. The intention of the lawmakers was to prevent the dissemination in public discourse of the false expression “Polish death camps” and similar expressions sometimes used to refer to Nazi German extermination camps located in the occupied territory of Poland. The provision mandating the application of the provisions of the Civil Code on personal rights to the protection of the state and nation’s good name may serve the intended purpose. However, its application may also be much broader, due to the vagueness of the wording used (“good name of the state and nation”) and the powerful protection afforded to personal rights in the Civil Code. The author discusses which provisions of the Civil Code can and which cannot be applied in this case. He also draws attention to the inadequacy of private law tools to protect public interests. He calls for a restrictive interpretation of the provision and recognizing a wide range of circumstances excluding the unlawfulness of an infringement in order to protect constitutional values such as freedom of expression, artistic creation, or scientific research.


Author(s):  
VICTOR BURLACHUK

At the end of the twentieth century, questions of a secondary nature suddenly became topical: what do we remember and who owns the memory? Memory as one of the mental characteristics of an individual’s activity is complemented by the concept of collective memory, which requires a different method of analysis than the activity of a separate individual. In the 1970s, a situation arose that gave rise to the so-called "historical politics" or "memory politics." If philosophical studies of memory problems of the 30’s and 40’s of the twentieth century were focused mainly on the peculiarities of perception of the past in the individual and collective consciousness and did not go beyond scientific discussions, then half a century later the situation has changed dramatically. The problem of memory has found its political sound: historians and sociologists, politicians and representatives of the media have entered the discourse on memory. Modern society, including all social, ethnic and family groups, has undergone a profound change in the traditional attitude towards the past, which has been associated with changes in the structure of government. In connection with the discrediting of the Soviet Union, the rapid decline of the Communist Party and its ideology, there was a collapse of Marxism, which provided for a certain model of time and history. The end of the revolutionary idea, a powerful vector that indicated the direction of historical time into the future, inevitably led to a rapid change in perception of the past. Three models of the future, which, according to Pierre Nora, defined the face of the past (the future as a restoration of the past, the future as progress and the future as a revolution) that existed until recently, have now lost their relevance. Today, absolute uncertainty hangs over the future. The inability to predict the future poses certain challenges to the present. The end of any teleology of history imposes on the present a debt of memory. Features of the life of memory, the specifics of its state and functioning directly affect the state of identity, both personal and collective. Distortion of memory, its incorrect work, and its ideological manipulation can give rise to an identity crisis. The memorial phenomenon is a certain political resource in a situation of severe socio-political breaks and changes. In the conditions of the economic crisis and in the absence of a real and clear program for future development, the state often seeks to turn memory into the main element of national consolidation.


Author(s):  
Daria Kozlova

This article discusses the general characteristics of the electoral system of Kazakhstan by the example of elections of the President of the Republic, the Senate of the Parliament of Kazakhstan and deputies of the Mazhilis. The features of dividing this system into majority and proportional are also disclosed. The article analyzes the features of the appointment and conduct of elections and the principles on which they are based. It is also shown how the active activity of the state in the field of legal education of young people and their familiarization with the electoral system affects the high participation rates of citizens in elections.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Muhammad Nadzir

Water plays a very important role in supporting human life and other living beings as goods that meet public needs. Water is one of the declared goods controlled by the state as mentioned in the constitution of the republic of Indonesia. The state control over water indicated that water management can bring justice and prosperity for all Indonesian people. However, in fact, water currently becomes a product commercialized by individuals and corporations. It raised a question on how the government responsibility to protect the people's right to clean water. This study found that in normative context, the government had been responsible in protecting the people’s right over the clean water. However, in practical context, it found that the government had not fully protected people's right over clean water. The government still interpreted the state control over water in the form of creating policies, establishing a set of regulations, conducting management, and also supervision.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.


Author(s):  
Vladislav Strutynsky

By analyzing one of the most eventful periods of the modern history of Poland, the early 80s of the XX century, the author examines the dynamics of social and political conflict on the eve of the introduction of martial law, which determines the location of the leading political forces in these events in Poland, that were grouped around the Polish United Labor Party and the Independent trade union «Solidarity», their governing structures and grassroots organizations, highlighting the development of socio-political situation in the country before entering the martial law on the 13th of December and analyzing the relation of the leading countries to the events, especially the Soviet Union. Also, the author distinguishes causes that prevent to reach the compromise in the process of realization different programs, that were offered to public and designed by PUWP and «Solidarity» and were “aimed” to help Polish society to exit an unprecedented conflict. This article provides a comparative analysis of the different analytical meaningful reasons, offered by historians, political scientists, lawyers, and led to the imposition of martial law in the Republic of Poland. The author also analyses the legality of such actions by the state and some conclusions that were reached by scientists, investigating the internal dynamics of the conflict and the process of implementation of tasks, that Polish United Workers’ Party (which ruled at that time) tried to solve with martial law and «Solidarity» was used as self-determination in Polish society. Keywords: Martial law, Independent trade union «Solidarity», inter-factory strike committee, social-political conflict, Polish United Workers’ Party, the Warsaw Pact, the Military Council of National Salvation


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