Introduction: Economic and social cohesion in the EU and in the EEA

Author(s):  
Per Christiansen
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 244-257
Author(s):  
İclal Kaya Altay ◽  
◽  
Shqiprim Ahmeti ◽  

The Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe ads territorial cohesion as Union’s third goal, beside economic and social cohesion and lists it as a shared competence. In the other hand, the Lisbon Strategy aims to turn Europe into the most competitive area of sustainable growth in the world and it is considered that the Territorial cohesion policy should contribute to it. This paper is structured by a descriptive language while deduction method is used. It refers to official documents, strategies, agendas and reports, as well as books, articles and assessments related to topic. This paper covers all of two Territorial Agendas as well as the background of territorial cohesion thinking and setting process of territorial cohesion policy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (10) ◽  
pp. 1909-1915
Author(s):  
Daniel Augenstein ◽  
Bert van Roermund

In March 2000, the Lisbon European Council agreed upon a new strategic goal for the European Union: to become the “most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world, capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion.” One decade and the sobering experience of a global economic crisis later, the European Commission's new 2020 Strategy sets out a vision of Europe's social market economy for the 21st century that “shows how the EU can emerge stronger from the economic crisis and how it can be turned into a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy delivering high levels of employment, productivity and social cohesion.” If somewhat more modest in its targets, Europe 2020 reiterates the guiding ambition to enhance the EU's economic performance in the internal and global market that already dominated the Lisbon strategy. The lesson learned from Europe's “lost decade” is that the EU needs to replace the “slow and largely uncoordinated pace of reforms” with a “sustainable recovery” in order to regain its competitiveness, boost its productivity, and put it on “an upward path of prosperity.” This is, then, the EU's first “Lisbon” agenda that heavily relies on the internal market and that depicts social inclusion and political stability as conditioned upon further European economic integration. The recipe to defy what has grown from a “merely” economic crisis into a social and political crisis of the Union and its Member States is a combination of “smart,” “sustainable,” and “inclusive” growth.


2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
RHYS ANDREWS ◽  
SEBASTIAN JILKE

AbstractIn this article, the authors evaluate whether the provision of good quality social services has the potential to create social cohesion. In addition to examining the relationship between social services and social cohesion, the authors expand institutional theories of social capital by investigating whether this potential for building social solidarity may be resilient to the corrosive effects of economic strain. Multilevel analyses of variations in the perceptions of social cohesion amongst Europeans were conducted for 27 member countries of the EU using the Eurobarometer 74.1 on poverty and social exclusion from 2010. The results suggest that individuals receiving better quality social service provision perceived higher levels of social cohesion within the country in which they live. By contrast, individuals living in households experiencing economic strain perceived lower levels of cohesion. Further analysis revealed that the experience of economic strain does not weaken the positive relationship between social services quality and perceptions of cohesion.


Author(s):  
Margarita SHOPOVA ◽  
Tihomir VARBANOV ◽  
Evgeni OVCHINNIKOV

The article clarifies the essence of the indicators that characterise the principles on which the European Pillar of Social Rights is built, and the information provision of their statistical survey is presented. Official statistics published by Eurostat are used. The objective internal regularities of the time series for Bulgaria for the period 2005-2018 are established by using the autodetermination coefficient, while the viability of constructing univariate models for forecasting purposes is assessed. A cluster analysis has been applied for 2010 and 2018, as a result of which homogenous groups of EU countries have been established and the factors most significant for their formation have been identified. The survey is a preliminary assessment of both the dynamics of the indicators for Bulgaria and the social cohesion in the EU. The derived results can serve as information and analytical bases both for identifying appropriate methods for convergence analysis and for revealing the possibilities of cluster analysis for its evaluation.


Author(s):  
Erik R. Tillman

The book provides a novel explanation of rising Euroscepticism and right-wing populism in Western Europe. The changing political and cultural environment of recent decades is generating an ongoing realignment of voters structured by authoritarianism, which is a psychological disposition towards the maintenance of social cohesion and order at the expense of individual autonomy and diversity. High authoritarians find the values and demographic changes of the past several decades a threat to social cohesion, which has created an opportunity for populist radical right (PRR) parties to gain their support by campaigning against these perceived threats to national community posed by immigration, values change, and European integration. The result is a worldview evolution in which party conflict is shaped by the rival preferences of high and low authoritarians. Drawing on national and cross-national survey data as well as an original survey experiment, this book demonstrates how the relationship between authoritarianism and (1) attitudes towards the EU and (2) voting behaviour has evolved since the 1990s. In doing so, this book advances these literatures by providing an explanation for why certain voters are shifting towards PRR parties as electoral politics realigns.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa Hussain

The Nørrebro sub-district of Copenhagen, where 14% of the population belong to ethnic minorities, mainly Muslim, has stood on the Danish media’s agenda for many years as a problem-ridden area, developing into a parallel society with ethnic ghettos, crime and deviancy among the second generation and lack of social cohesion and integration. This article introduces results from the survey ‘At Home in Europe: Muslims in the European Cities’ commissioned by the Open Society Institute, which examines the current policy and patterns of Muslim integration in eleven municipal districts of the seven metropolises of the EU countries. It argues that when measured across a range of parameters to ascertain the social, cultural and economic integration of the Muslim minorities, the empirical data and the documentary evidence gathered from, and about, the sub-district (2008-9) contradict the political claims and the media rhetoric of a parallel society.


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