Europapolitische Koordination in Österreich

2019 ◽  

European policy exerts a considerable influence on shaping politics in Austria. Vice versa, Austrian policy forms a constitutive element of what is negotiated and decided in Brussels. This book addresses the question of how and under which externally and internally induced framework conditions Austrian ideas, strategies and interests are conceived, coordinated and articulated in the multilevel system of the European Union. What domestic coordination requirements and strategies come into play and when in order to generate Austria’s positions? How do feedback mechanisms function in order to safeguard democratic and transparent decision-making chains? How do Austria’s political system and the EU’s supranational system influence each other? This book is the first to conduct a comprehensive analysis of all the players, institutions and processes involved in Austria’s policy on Europe as well as the policy areas that are particularly important for the country. It will appeal to students and teachers of EU studies and researchers on that subject area, those involved in Austria’s policy on Europe who work in parliament, government, administrative bodies and interest groups, as well as all those interested in comparing the coordination of policies on Europe.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-196
Author(s):  
Magdalena Gruber

Abstract This paper examines the Late Payment Directive of the European Union and seeks to answer the question of whether the provisions of the Directive apply to loan contracts in corporate transactions. The paper first describes and analyses the Late Pay­ment Directive and provides a comprehensive analysis of relevant arguments and legal sources. It then evaluates the different factors required by the Late Payment Directive and finally argues that the Late Payment Directive has to be applied to loan contracts and facility agreements, even if this is not explicitly foreseen in the Directive.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-57
Author(s):  
Marek Menkiszak

In the face of a new serious crisis in Europe caused by the coronavirus pandemic, Russia has taken an ambiguous position. On the one hand, it was spreading fake news and, on the other hand, it was providing Italy with symbolic support. Russia’s immediate goal was to persuade the European Union (EU) to reduce or lift sanctions. The new situation provides a new argument to those participants of the European debate who are in favour of normalisation and even reset of relations with Russia. Among them, the voice of France is particularly clear since its President Emanuel Macron has taken up the initiative to build the ‘architecture of trust and security’ with Russia. These proposals, which are now quite vague, are based on questionable  assumptions and deepen divisions in Europe and the crisis in transatlantic relations. By rising Moscow’s hopes for some form of (geo)political bargain, they in fact encourage Russia to continue its aggressive policy towards its European neighbours. An alternative approach based on several principles is needed in the debate on EU policy towards Russia: developing all five Mogherini’s points; maintaining sanctions against Russia until the reasons for their introduction cease to exist; symmetry of commitments and benefits related to limited cooperation with Russia; inviolability of key interests, security and sovereignty of EU and NATO member and partner states; and balancing the dialogue with the Russian authorities by supporting Russian civil society. Europe can survive without Russia but Russia cannot survive without Europe, which is why European policy needs consistency and strategic patience.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. e72661
Author(s):  
Ariadna Ripoll

This conclusion to the special issue reflects on the evolution of European integration since the early 1990s in order to better understand the contested origins of the Treaty of Lisbon and the consequences the latter have had for the EU’s political system. It considers the various contributions of the special issue and shows how the Treaty emerged in an era of shifting cleavages, disputed steps towards a more political Union and rising populism. This legacy has led to more polarisation and politicisation – a phenomenon that the Treaty of Lisbon struggles to encapsulate and conciliate with the culture of consensus and compromise inherent to its institutional structures. As a result, we observe a bias towards policy stability – and even failure – that affects the legitimacy and democratic standards of the European Union. In a context of polycrisis, the difficulty to find compromises – especially in highly normative issues – leads to the de-politicisation of the EU and reinforces the gap between EU institutions and its citizens. The COVID-19 pandemic is a window of opportunity for the EU, in which to choose between integration and disintegration; between values and inaction.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Holger Döring

Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament are therefore caused by two effects: a mechanical effect—relevant for the composition of the Council—when national votes are translated into office and an electoral effect in European elections. The article discusses the implications of this finding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Marcin Kosman

Abstract While much research has been done regarding right-wing discourse in modern Europe, the literature of Polish far-right discourse is still insufficient. The present paper discusses the discursive strategies of Grzegorz Braun, one of the leaders of Confederation Liberty and Independence, which were implemented by the politician during the 2019 Gdańsk mayoral campaign. In order to provide a comprehensive analysis of Braun’s discourse, audiovisual materials were included in the study. The findings show that Braun employs positive presentation of the Catholic Church and himself, and negative presentation of his opponents (LGBT activists, immigrants, the European Union, the elites), whom Braun considers to be in an alliance against Poland and its core values under the name of the “Gdańsk Pact”.


Turkey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Finkel

What sort of political system does Turkey have? In order to even begin membership negotiations with the European Union, Turkey, like other candidates, had to demonstrate that its economy was capable of integrating with the free markets of the member states and that its...


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