Shock Therapy, Round One

Author(s):  
Joseph R. Fitzgerald

Commencing in early 1962, the Cambridge movement took shape with the aid of college students from beyond Maryland’s Eastern Shore who belonged to the bourgeoning student movement of the early 1960s. These students subscribed to the political philosophy of participatory democracy, whereby local people organized their own campaigns for black liberation. The most important student organization that assisted local movements was the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which worked directly with Gloria Richardson and the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC), the organization that led the Cambridge movement. CNAC’s agenda, which was established through a needs assessment survey created by Richardson, identified a lack of access to jobs, poor housing, and segregated schools as the community’s main concerns. CNAC initiated voter education and registration drives to build community support for its freedom campaign, which white residents and white leaders resisted at every turn.

Hypatia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Lindsey Stewart

Abstract “Granny midwives” often based their authority to practice midwifery on the spiritual traditions of rootwork or conjure passed down by the foremothers who trained them. However, granny midwives were compelled to give up their conjure-infused methods of birthing if they wanted to become licensed (that is, to get a “permit”) or be authorized by the state to continue their practice of midwifery. In response, some granny midwives refused to recognize the authority of the state in the birthing realm, willfully retaining rootwork in their birthing practices. In this article, I contrast the response of granny midwives, a politics of refusal, with another major tradition in African American thought, a politics of recognition, such as gaining citizenship and rights, permits, and licenses from the state. Due to the political stakes of the granny midwife's conflict with the state, I argue that black feminists often endow the figure of the granny midwife (or more broadly, the conjure woman) with the political significance of refusal in our emancipatory imaginaries. To demonstrate this, I will analyze the interventions in black liberation politics that two black feminist writers make through their invocation of granny midwives: Zora Neale Hurston's essay, “High John de Conquer,” and Toni Morrison's novel, Paradise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 197-208
Author(s):  
Ismail K. White ◽  
Chryl N. Laird

This concluding chapter examines the broader implications of this research, both empirical and normative. It discusses the potential for this theoretical framework to further understanding of the political behavior of other social groupings in America. The chapter also considers the framework's applicability to understanding the political homogeneity of localized racial groupings. If the foundational mechanism of political power through unity is that identified by the framework—coracial social ties—then desegregation and the loss of black institutions are a fundamental challenge to the doing of black liberation politics. The chapter discusses what this might mean for the future of black politics. In so doing, it also engages arguments about the harms of coracial policing and weighs how to think about balancing those concerns against the reality that the political unity that has consistently enabled black political power relies on a process of social sanctioning. Finally, the chapter considers the questions future research might answer by engaging and applying this theoretical framework and charts a course for future progress.


Author(s):  
E. James West

This chapter explores how internal and external tensions influencing Ebony’s depiction of black history fed into the struggle to establish a national holiday for Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. during the 1970s and 1980s. Against this backdrop, Bennett and other Ebony contributors struggled to negotiate the continued importance of the magazine’s black history content in a changing cultural and political climate. For some, the King Holiday represented an opportunity to reflect on the activist’s legacy as a ‘hero to be remembered.’ For others, it was a chance to reiterate the political application of the black past and its role in the ongoing struggle for black liberation.


Author(s):  
Scott L. Matthews

This chapter examines the cultural politics of civil rights movement photography by analysing the work of Danny Lyon who worked as a photographer for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee between 1962 and 1964. It explores how documentarians such as Robert Frank, Walker Evans, and James Agee inspired Lyon’s documentary work and how the political culture of the New Left influenced his work’s reception. The chapter first focuses on Lyon’s photographs of black SNCC activists in the South, particularly Robert Moses. Lyon’s photographs of Moses helped spread a romantic mythology around Moses and SNCC that was useful in recruiting white liberal support up North. Lyon also photographed the rural South’s landscapes and people extensively. Many in the New Left romanticized rural black southerners as true outsiders, the authentic opposites of their industrialized and commercialized societies back home. Consequently, Lyon’s photographs had the capacity to aestheticize the same conditions that SNCC recognized as the source of black subjugation. The chapter also highlights how these images and themes appeared and circulated in a civil rights movement photography book, The Movement, which Lyon contributed to and helped produce.


Author(s):  
Thomas Murray

Thomas Murray’s chapter draws on a critical social theory of law and a range of qualitatively rich primary sources to incorporate heretofore neglected social movement voices into a more complex account of constitutional development in Ireland. The chapter concentrates on the political practices and discourses at stake in a single moment of conflict when property rights were contested from below, specifically the squatting campaigns of the Dublin Housing Action Committee (D.H.A.C.) in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Murray aims to open up a broader terrain of debate about constitutional development and judicial power in Ireland than conventional studies of case-law, legislation or parliamentary politics would suggest.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Isaac

The city of Joppe/Jaffa/Yafo on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean, immediately south of modern Tel Aviv, has a long history of importance as an urban centre, from the Middle Bronze Age onward until the 20th century. It was one of the few sites along the Palestinian coast that had a usable anchorage. The present article focuses on the Hellenistic, Roman, and late Roman periods, giving a brief survey of the major events, the political, social, and administrative history, and the major sources of information.


Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Charles M. Lamb

This chapter surveys the literature on racial discrimination and segregation in education and housing in the United States. It indicates that federal governmental institutions ultimately led the way in outlawing school segregation and some of the practices that created or maintained racially separate neighborhoods. Yet research also shows that much more progress has been made at enforcing federal legal standards during particular periods of time than others, as the political system has vacillated between the need to ensure equal opportunity and the desire to maintain aspects of past segregation. Recent studies demonstrate that school and housing segregation have declined, depending on the school district or housing market being examined. However, because segregated schools and housing patterns are still widespread in much of the country, both subjects continue to be fruitful areas for research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Edwards ◽  
Leonidas Montes

We analyze Milton Friedman’s two visits to Chile, in March 1975 and November 1981. We rely on a number of sources, including Friedman’s archives, press archives in Chile and the rest of the world, interviews, and the papers and recollections of some of those who accompanied Friedman during his meeting with Pinochet. Although Friedman’s 1975 visit has been widely discussed, his 1981 visit has been largely neglected. However, this visit was particularly important as it preceded a severe currency and banking crisis, stemming from an overvalued fixed exchange rate. The crisis put at risk the influence of the “Chicago Boys” and the political and economic liberalization process. We analyze Friedman’s views regarding Chile’s pegged exchange rate strategy followed between 1979 and 1982, and his position on economic and political freedom.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110031
Author(s):  
Grant Cos ◽  
Babak Elahi

Ronald Reagan’s iconic, 1984 advertisement, “Morning in America,” has served as an ideological pole star for Republican identity for the past four decades. More recently, the political action committee, The Lincoln Project, a group of ex-Republicans, produced a number of ads highly critical of President Donald Trump’s administration. One specific ad, “Mourning in America,” uses the form of the original 1984 ad to communicate a set of radically different ideas from the original. This article fuses Black’s second persona and Wander’s third persona to Charland’s idea of constitutive rhetoric to explore how “Morning in America” constitutes a Republican identity via a matrimonial symbolism that connects candidate to a gauzy, constructed community and imagined culture. We argue that the Lincoln Project’s “Mourning in America” deconstitutes the very ideals promulgated in the original ad through a stark funereal symbolism. The implications of this symbolism on the Republican identity are discussed in the conclusion.


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