Introduction

The Second World War marked the apex of industrial war and was nothing short of the most costly and destructive conflict ever experienced. It was total in its conduct and global in its scale—a true World War. The scale of the conflict may be explained by virtue of the fact that it was the product of numerous regional conflicts and theaters of operation that increasingly became woven into a contiguous war. In Western Europe the conflict began as a rerun of the Great War. In Eastern Europe it evolved into an ideological war of extermination between the polar opposites of fascism and communism. Parts of Africa and the Middle East became battlegrounds where European colonial ambitions clashed while other parts provided men and material. Maintaining access to resources more generally was indispensable for all belligerents in order to sustain their war efforts, thus attempting to stem the flow of their opponents’ resources was a central facet of most wartime strategies. Farther east, Japanese imperial ambitions clashed with the dynamics of a civil war in China in the attempt to create a new “Asian” international system free of American and European encroachments. In this respect, the war in the Asia-Pacific region that broke out in December 1941 should be separated from the one conducted in China up until that point. Japanese operations in China and on the Mongolian border before 1941 certainly had an impact on, but were different from, the vast new front that opened up in the Pacific following the Japanese attacks on Anglo-American positions from Pearl Harbor to Singapore. It was the events of December 1941 that brought these disparate strands formally together and linked them to events in Europe, Africa, and elsewhere. The result was a single war with very few areas formally out of bounds to armed conflict....

Author(s):  
Norman Ingram

This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de l’homme (LDH), an organization founded in 1898 at the height of the Dreyfus Affair which lay at the very centre of French Republican politics in the era of the two world wars. It posits that the Ligue was half-dead by its own hand by 1937—well before the Nazi invasion of May 1940—because of its inability to resolve the question of war guilt from the Great War. The issue of war origins and war guilt transfixed it from 1914 down to the Second World War. Secondly, this book expands our understanding of the aetiology of French pacifism, thereby allowing for a deeper awareness of the differences between French and Anglo-American pacifism. It argues that from 1916 onwards one can see a principled dissent from the Union sacrée war effort that occurred within mainstream French Republicanism and not on the syndicalist or anarchist fringes. Finally, the book proposes a new explanatory model to help us understand some of the choices made in Vichy France, moving beyond the usual triptych of collaboration, resistance, or accommodation. This study is based on substantial research in a large number of French archives, primarily in the papers of the LDH which were repatriated to France from the former Soviet Union in late 2001, but also on considerable research in German archives—something other historians of the Ligue have not done. There is thus an exciting primacy of discovery here.


Author(s):  
Douglas E. Delaney

Using the same criteria as that employed to assess imperial interoperability in Chapter 3, this chapter examines how Britain, India, and the dominions raised their armies and worked together during the Second World War. It finds that, in spite of some terrible defeats, such as Singapore and Dieppe, and some difficult personal relationships between generals, the armies of the empire worked quite well together. This owed much to decades of common training, organization, and staff procedures. The ability of the empire’s armies to work together contrasts sharply with the inability of any of them to work smoothly with American formations, as the South Africans discovered in Italy and the Australians discovered in the Pacific. The Americans spoke a different staff language than the one that the armies of the British Empire had learned over the four-plus decades of the imperial army project.


Author(s):  
A. A. Paderin

For the expired time of seventy years historiography of this comprehensive problem was enriched with a large number of researches in our country and in western countries. The author associate himself with those historians, who support the origin of idea about the efficient strategy of attack against enemy simultaneously from different directions by the defeat of Germany, against which in the years of world war first two-front war was going: Russian army - from the east and Anglo-Franco-American soldiers from the west. The concept «second front» in its modern meaning, as it was suggested in the article, came into use widely since 1941 due to the beginning of German aggression against the USSR. In author's opinion, it is fully grounded historically, that front, formed by the Anglo-American troops in Normandy, for example, was called not norman or western, but «second». As it is generally known, to the summer of 1944 western allies have already conducted battle actions in North Africa, Italy, on the Pacific Ocean and in South-east Asia. Moreover, in war process their activity in battles with enemy increased both in the air, and at the seaside. However, as author shows, the USSR decision-makers persevering defended the other way, leading to more rapid victory over an aggressor - to the opening by allies of the second front in Europe. Both for the western politicians and for the allied command armies it was abundantly clear, but for Anglo-American decision-makers such choice was unacceptable. The article deals with the view of the reasons of such position of allies. Thus, an author relies not only on the results of his personal study of a problem but also onto a large extent of researches both domestic and foreign historians. Therefore he answers on the row of concrete questions, such as Why did the second front in Europe became reality only on the fifth year of Second world war? What led soviet government to strive so persistently for its fastest opening? What underplots of western allies did determine their attitude toward the problem of opening of the second front?


Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 351-363
Author(s):  
Stefania Rampello

Between the end of the Great War and the start of the Second World War, various Italians living in London, who for the most part had migrated there around the start of the twentieth century, started their own particular determined opposition to Fascism. Their initial aim was to counter Fascist monopolisation of London's Italian community, contesting control of the community's main associations, institutes and cultural bodies by the Fascio, which had been established in London in 1921. Subsequently, these anti-Fascists also sought contacts outside London's Little Italy, on the one hand with British political bodies and the British press, and on the other with anti-Fascists in other countries. While strong links were formed with the latter, British society showed only a muted interest. This is in part explained by the positive response to the Fascist experience by the Conservative press and various eminent British politicians, at least until the mid-1930s.


2005 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus-Gerd Giesen

This article begins by pointing out the discrepancy between, on the one hand, a certain political discourse which refers to a so-called New World Order in highly moralistic terms and, on the other hand, brute facts which attest to the contrary (resurgence of violent regional conflicts, atomization of global structures). It then examines the possibilities for analysing this discrepancy from a critical perspective centered on ethical norms. This leads the author to review the principal ethical approaches elaborated within the study of international relations since the Second World War. Emphasis is put on a major epistemological cleavage between academic disciplines, perhaps the most important demarcation in ethical theory : the one separating deontological from non-deontological theories. The systematic rejection or marginalization of deontology by the « discipline » of International Relations can be explained in terms of objective cognitive interests which have established, paradigmatically a genuine spirit of corporatism within the discipline. This article endeavors to explain such corporatism with a view to helping start a truly pluridisciplinary debate on ethics in the post-cold-war era


Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 361-380
Author(s):  
Paul Magnette

This paper examines the evolving ideological content of the concept of citizenship and particularly the challenges it faces as a consequence of the building of the European Union. From an epistemological point of view it is first argued that citizenship may be described as a dual concept: it is both a legal institution composed of the rights of the citizen as they are fixed at a certain moment of its history, and a normative ideal which embodies their political aspirations. As a result of this dual nature, citizenship is an essentially dynamicnotion, which is permanently evolving between a state of balance and change.  The history of this concept in contemporary political thought shows that, from the end of the second World War it had raised a synthesis of democratic, liberal and socialist values on the one hand, and that it was historically and logically bound to the Nation-State on the other hand. This double synthesis now seems to be contested, as the themes of the "crisis of the Nation State" and"crisis of the Welfare state" do indicate. The last part of this paper grapples with recent theoretical proposals of new forms of european citizenship, and argues that the concept of citizenship could be renovated and take its challenges into consideration by insisting on the duties and the procedures it contains.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110549
Author(s):  
Raphael Chijioke Njoku

The primary focus here is to accentuate the competing roles of race and propaganda in the enlistment of Africans and African Americans for the Second World War. Among other things, the discussion captures on the interwar years and emphasizes the subtleties of African American Pan-Africanist discourses as a counterweight to Black oppression encountered in the racialized spaces of Jim Crow America, colonized Africa, and the pugnacious infraction that was the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935–1936. Tying up the implications of these events into the broader global politics of 1939–1945 establishes the background in which the Allied Powers sought after Black people’s support in the war against the Axis Powers. Recalling that Italy’s fascist leader Benito Mussolini attacked Ethiopia in 1935 with poisonous gas while the League of Nations refused to act, points to the barefaced conflation of race and propaganda in the Great War and the centrality of African and African Diaspora exertions in the conflict.


Author(s):  
Anna D. Bertova ◽  

Prominent Japanese economist, specialist in colonial politics, a professor of Im­perial Tokyo University, Yanaihara Tadao (1893‒1961) was one of a few people who dared to oppose the aggressive policy of Japanese government before and during the Second World War. He developed his own view of patriotism and na­tionalism, regarding as a true patriot a person who wished for the moral develop­ment of his or her country and fought the injustice. In the years leading up to the war he stated the necessity of pacifism, calling every war evil in the ultimate, divine sense, developing at the same time the concept of the «just war» (gisen­ron), which can be considered good seen from the point of view of this, imper­fect life. Yanaihara’s theory of pacifism is, on one hand, the continuation of the one proposed by his spiritual teacher, the founder of the Non-Church movement, Uchimura Kanzo (1861‒1930); one the other hand, being a person of different historical period, directly witnessing the boundless spread of Japanese militarism and enormous hardships brought by the war, Yanaihara introduced a number of corrections to the idealistic theory of his teacher and proposed quite a specific explanation of the international situation and the state of affairs in Japan. Yanai­hara’s philosophical concepts influenced greatly both his contemporaries and successors of the pacifist ideas in postwar Japan, and contributed to the dis­cussion about interrelations of pacifism and patriotism, and also patriotism and religion.


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