scholarly journals Uznání genocidy Arménů jako téma politického diskursu Arménie, Turecka a vybraných zemí EU

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 247-267
Author(s):  
Emil Souleimanov ◽  
Maya Ehrmann ◽  
Vincenc Kopeček
Keyword(s):  
Armenian Genocide ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern Anatolia ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
The Eu

The issue whether to legally recognize the tragic events of 1915 in Eastern Anatolia as a genocide remains a key  political issue which drives an edge between Armenia and the Republic of Turkey. Through their European diaspora communities, the issue has also entered the domain of the European Union (EU), becoming even more controversial as Turkey is in the process of hotly contested EU accession talks. The present article uses the instruments of discourse analysis to focus on the current perceptions of the Armenian genocide in the various countries involved, specifically within the EU, Armenia and Turkey, in order to explore the political rationale behind the commitment of various states to recognize or deny the aforementioned historical events as an act of genocide. After providing a brief historical overview of the 1915 events, we analyse internal EU perceptions of the “reality” of the Armenian genocide recognition, primarily in relation to Turkey's accession efforts. We then focus on the domestic discourses in Armenia and Turkey, with the goal of shedding light on the rationale behind both Yerevan's encouragement of genocide recognition and Ankara's unwillingness to recognize the genocide, as well as on the political implications of recognition and denial.

scholarly journals  Macedonian livestock, dairy and grain sectors and the EU accession impact

2013 ◽  
Vol 59 (No. 3) ◽  
pp. 125-133
Author(s):  
A. Kotevska ◽  
D. Dimitrievski ◽  
E. Erjavec
Keyword(s):  
Model Simulation ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Complex Nature ◽  
Baseline Scenario ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The Republic of Macedonia is in the process of integrating into the European Union (EU) and adjusting its policies through reforms in policy, regulations and institutions. This paper attempts to provide an answer to the question: what would be the impact on the Macedonian livestock, dairy and grain sectors of Macedonia integrating into the EU. In order to forecast the impact of the EU accession, the research uses the partial equilibrium model as a comprehensive tool for modelling the complex nature of the agricultural markets. The model simulation foresees the changes of the modelled sub-sectors in production, net-trade and income. The baseline scenario predicts a positive development for almost all selected commodities, with the exception of the beef sector, which is highly uncompetitive prior to the accession. Three EU accession scenarios foresee positive developments in the beef, lamb and cow’s milk markets, while a negative development is expected in the pig meat and grains markets.  

scholarly journals Morality in the Service of Mercantilism: Ordoliberalism, the German National Interest and European Economic Governance in the Eurozone Crisis and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Goodliffe
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
Comparative Political Economy ◽  
European Monetary ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Eu

<p>Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the European Union (EU), as well as the principal institutions, such as the Single Market and European Monetary Union (EMU), advancing these interests. Conversely, when a strict application of its principles ran counter to the latter, German decisionmakers demurred from pursuing Ordoliberalism. The article considers the political implications of Germany’s selective pursuit of Ordoliberalism for the EU. It concludes that this strategy may be undermining the functional basis and political legitimacy of German hegemonic governance in Europe.</p>

Epilogue: Brexit, the border and nationalism’s bounceback

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Sinn Fein ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. But, the structures of the Peace Process and the Stormont Assembly meant that it was no further to significantly challenging of the political status quo in Northern Ireland. The vote for Brexit, based as it was on a binary notion of British sovereignty that had been fudged by the Good Friday Agreement, changed that. The nature of Britain’s exiting of the European Union had massive ramifications of the Irish border. With a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting to remain (with 85% of the nationalist population doing so), the unionist veto over the wishes of the wider population came under deeper scrutiny. For Sinn Féin, which had been a long-term critic of the EU, this provided an opportunity putting the border back on the agenda. For dissidents, they found themselves in the unlikely position of sharing the same political standpoint as Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and, allegedly, the Queen.

Wpływ europeizacji na relacje cywilnowojskowe w Turcji za rządów partii AKP

2015 ◽  
pp. 118-133
Author(s):  
Maciej Herbut
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
International Context ◽  
Ongoing Process ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Constitutional Changes

The Turkish Armed Forces have played a key role in politics since the establishment of the republic in 1923. Despite the thorny relations between the civilian and military elites, the process of European integration played an extremely important role in bringing the country on a path of democratic reforms. Both opposing sides, namely the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Turkish Military (TSK), in the context of the ongoing process of European integration and a relatively high societal support for Turkey’s EU accession, seemed to accept more conciliatory approaches to each other (2001–2006). Unfortunately, starting from 2006, along with the rise of euroscepticism among Turks and the loosening of ties with the EU, the AKP and TSK adopted more antagonistic stances towards each other. The European Union and its institutions, which also influence constitutional changes in Turkey, therefore create an extremely important international context for democratisation.

Droga Polski do Schengen – osiągnięcia i wyzwania w zakresie zmiany systemu ochrony granicy zewnętrznej UE

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Ryszard Suduł
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Science ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
Border Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Basic Objective ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

Author analyses in the article the problem of functioning of the external borders of the Republic of Poland in the Schengen area. The text frames the analysis in the context of the political science. The author discusses the changes in state system of protection of the state border of the Republic of Poland resulting from the integration of the Republic of Poland with the European Union, in particular with the Schengen area. The basic objective of the article is the analysis of the scope and type of organisational and administrative-logistic undertakings in the field of border protection after Poland’s participation in the Schengen Area. The analysis is started with characterisation of changes in the system of management of the state border and the ways of functioning of border services in connection with the accession to the EU were characterised. EU requirements for strengthening border infrastructure and the system of cooperation between institutions responsible for border security were also analysed. As a result, the accession of the Republic of Poland to the Schengen area entailed a complete change in the strategy of managing the state borders.

scholarly journals Morality in the Service of Mercantilism: Ordoliberalism, the German National Interest and European Economic Governance in the Eurozone Crisis and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Goodliffe
Keyword(s):  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
Comparative Political Economy ◽  
European Monetary ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Eu

<p>Numerous studies attribute the Eurozone crisis and the failure to resolve it to German elites’ and voters’ fealty to Ordoliberalism. This interpretation is shared by the otherwise antagonistic historical institutionalist and ideational schools of comparative political economy, which both hold that it was German policy institutions’ or leaders’ ordoliberal principles that brought them to blame the crisis in the Eurozone’s periphery on fiscal profligacy and to intervene “too little, too late” for fear of violating Ordoliberalism’s central liability principle. This article posits that this ordoliberal interpretive and prescriptive framework is inadequate to explain Germany’s response to the Eurozone crisis. Deploying a neoclassical realist framework, the article argues that Ordoliberalism was pursued as a strategic idea when it was consistent with core German economic and political interests, notably the preservation of the country’s export-led growth model and leadership of the European Union (EU), as well as the principal institutions, such as the Single Market and European Monetary Union (EMU), advancing these interests. Conversely, when a strict application of its principles ran counter to the latter, German decisionmakers demurred from pursuing Ordoliberalism. The article considers the political implications of Germany’s selective pursuit of Ordoliberalism for the EU. It concludes that this strategy may be undermining the functional basis and political legitimacy of German hegemonic governance in Europe.</p>

scholarly journals European Citizens’ Attitudes on the Return of Refugees to Their Home Country: Results from a Survey in 13 EU Member States

2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-524
Author(s):  
Jürgen Gerhards ◽  
Clara Dilger
Keyword(s):  
Home Country ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Citizens Attitudes ◽  
Clear Majority ◽  
The Eu

Abstract European law requires member states of the European Union (EU) to accept refugees. It also allows them to return refugees to their countries of origin if the reason for asylum no longer exists. Both the reception and return of refugees has become a widely debated and controversial issue in many member states of the EU. Based on a survey conducted in 13 EU member states, we analysed whether citizens support the return of refugees when the cause for their displacement has become obsolete and how differences in attitudes toward the return of refugees can be explained. A clear majority of Europeans (70%) support the return of refugees. This is also the case for those who believe that their country should accept refugees in the first place. These results mean that existing law—the acceptance of refugees in need and the return when the cause becomes obsolete—is being supported by a majority of Europeans. However, there are considerable differences in approval rates among the countries. The results of multivariate analysis show that ideational factors—both on the micro and the macro level—influence attitudes toward the return of refugees, whereas structural factors, recurring to economic interest, do not contribute substantially to the explanation of attitudes toward the return. The political implications of these findings are discussed in the last section of the article.

scholarly journals Europe, the Pope and the Holy Left Alliance in Poland

Focaal ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 2004 (43) ◽  
pp. 121-133
Author(s):  
Kacper Pobłocki
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Eu

This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is argued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Aleksander Kwaśniewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance allowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarność elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The article (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demonstrates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.

scholarly journals SOCIOLOGICAL AND SECURITY ASPECTS OF GEOPOLITICAL POSITIONING OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA IN THE EU ACCESSION PROCESS

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Slobodan Petrović ◽  
◽  
Zorančo Vasilkov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Synthetic Method ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Safety Standards ◽  
The Past ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

Sociological and safety aspects of the geopolitical integration of the Republic of Serbia into the EU are part of the reality the country and the society have been confronting since the beginning of the 21st century. To single out and determine every sociological and safety factor is almost impossible since there is no definiteness of factors affecting the positioning of a country within the association of new countries. Neither is there any unique prototype applicable to all countries. Each country possesses cultural, national, religious, institutional and economic uniqueness; hence, it can be concluded that each country undergoes various experiences in the process of integration into a new institutional family. Since the creation, the European Union by its structure has presented a challenge to the society in all respects. This may certainly be measured and explained by sociological and safety standards. This paper presents the past correlations of the Republic of Serbia from two decades ago to the present, using a synthetic method to carry out a comparative analysis of the descriptive pattern, position, and capacities of the national in relation to supranational.

Cyprus and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stelios Stavridis ◽  
Charalambos Tsardanidis
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The North ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The Republic of Cyprus (or Cyprus) joined the European Union (EU) in May 2004 and adopted the single currency (the euro) in 2008. This article consists of three parts: it begins with a historical contextualization, explaining the reasons for Cyprus’ application for an Association Agreement with the (then) European Economic Community (EEC), and also examining the latter´s reaction and policy towards the 1974 Turkish invasion following a failed coup d´état against the Makarios Presidency that has led to a divided island since then (Part 1). In brief, what is known as the “Cyprus Problem.” This part also looks at the evolution of the Association Agreement during the period since 1975 which ended with the conclusion of a customs union Agreement between Cyprus and the European Community in 1987. The article next turns to an analysis of the Republic of Cyprus´ EU accession negotiations process (Part 2). It also covers the impact (or lack thereof) of various reunification plans, and most notably what is seen as the culmination of such efforts in the so-called 2002–2004 Annan Plans. The following section presents an assessment of how Cyprus has fared as a member state since it joined the EU (Part 3). It covers several key questions regarding the EU–Cyprus relationship. Whereas this article is not about the Cyprus problem itself, but as will be made clear throughout this study, it remains the dominant issue for the island. Others issues encompass EU relations with the Turkish-Cypriot community, the question of Turkey´s EU accession, the impact of the economic crisis of 2013, as well as energy security considerations following the discovery of gas in the region. The study concludes that being in the EU offers better perspectives for the Republic of Cyprus than if it had been kept outside it. If only because as the Accession Treaty makes it clear: it is the whole island that has joined the EU albeit the acquis communautaire cannot apply to the north, occupied, part of the Island following the invasion by Turkey. But all Cypriots are EU citizens. Yet, to a large extent, the experience of Cyprus prior to and after EU membership also reflects the kind of specific problems that a “small state” is facing in its international relations.

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