Reilly and the Republic in 2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Christopher James Wolfe ◽  

Robert Reilly’s America on Trial presents a lengthy defense of the principles of the American Founding against recent critiques, especially focusing on those written from a Catholic perspective. His book finds a place in a larger discussion of American Catholic political thought that has been going on for more than a century. I first situate Reilly’s book within that debate, and then argue that Reilly’s account is correct on most counts. Some loose ends remain, but they can be dealt with by expanding some of the points that Reilly has already made. I think, though, that other points not even raised by Reilly’s critics will require further reflection by future American Catholic political thinkers. In 2020, the sensus communis in America has ceased to be “cool and deliberate,” a desideratum for the regime mentioned in Federalist 63; we need to figure out ways to make it cool again.

Author(s):  
Paul J. Griffiths

The secular state, the church, and the caliphate are associations that each hold universal aspirations, at least implicitly. While the universal aspirations of the church and caliphate may be obvious enough, every state seeks dominion over the whole world. (“Secular” describes states that limit their vision to this world, as opposed to the transcendence to which both the church and caliphate appeal.) As an essay in Catholic speculative theology, Griffiths asks two questions: Whether Catholic theology supports or discourages the variety of political orders, and whether these orders could be ranked in terms of goodness from a Catholic perspective? In response to these questions, Griffiths appeals to two aspects of St. Augustine’s political thought: Political rivalries serve the common good; and the principal indicator of the degree to which a state serves the common good is its explicit service to the god of Abraham. The United States (a secular state) is compared with ISIS (an attempted caliphate).


1963 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-542
Author(s):  
Franz Ansprenger

The University of Nigeria, founded on the initiative of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, President of the Republic, is now three years old, and has inaugurated a new College of African Studies, at the beginning of the academic year, 1963–4. The University has already declared that ‘Foreign educational systems provide a reservoir of ideas and experience, yet final answers will be found only by adapting these ideas to the new setting of our time and country.’


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020/1 ◽  
pp. 141-163
Author(s):  
Mindaugas Pocius

The research, which is based on the documents of the anti-Soviet resistance of 1944–1953, makes an attempt at reconstructing the freedom fighters’ vision of independent Lithuania and analyses the image of the planned (projected) political and socio-economic model of the state, its underlying elements and principles, the evolution and context of the partisans’ political thought. Reflecting on inter-war Lithuania, life therein, resistance against the Soviets and the fierce struggle and sufferings of that time, the partisans sacredly believed in the restoration of independence and had a clear vision of the future state. The critical attitude of those who participated in the resistance towards Lithuania’s statehood had a great impact on the underlying elements of the said vision. In the partisans’ experience and understanding, social exclusion and public distrust of government institutions were among the most acute problems of the Republic of Lithuania which, in their conviction, caused the catastrophic crisis of the state and the society that resulted in the loss of independence in 1940. Leaders of the underground movement were fully aware of the ills and failures of the past and thus constructed an ideal, a dream of a comprehensively stronger and affluent state, democratic regime and fairer governance of the country. The partisans’ vision of a modern independent Lithuanian state was developed under the influence of the political thought of the rural intelligentsia, thus reflecting the outlook of an ordinary peasant farmer and akin attitudes of rural intellectuals. Realising that Lithuania existed on the divide between the Western and Eastern civilizations, partisan leaders made every attempt to emphasize their western identity and mentality, identified and positioned themselves as the outpost of Western civilization and European culture. Participants of the resistance movement followed basically social democratic, Christian ideals and values and sought to restore a modern democratic parliamentary republic free of social exclusion where social justice and solidarity would be the predominant components of state regulation. In summary, it can be stated that the present-day socio-economic model of the Nordic welfare state (that of Denmark, Norway, Sweden or Finland), which in its core is rather socialistic, is for the most part in line with the freedom fighters’ vision of the future state and was considered by them the most acceptable. Although present-day Lithuania does not fully satisfy their vision, Lithuanian resistance fighters expressed the eternal strive of people and nations for freedom, material and spiritual wellbeing and social justice.


MUTAWATIR ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Yusuf Hanafi

Muhammad b. ‘Alî Muhammad b. ‘Abd Allâh al-Shawkânî al-San‘ânî. He was born in the Hijrah in Shawkân village, Yemen on Monday 28 Dhû al-Qa‘dah 1172 H and died on Tuesday, 27 Jumâd al-Akhîr 1250 H at the age about 78 years. Al-Shawkânî grew up in the San‘a city, it is the capital of the republic of Yemen now. He study first time about religion from his father, then from renowed scholars in San‘a and its surrounding, he was known as a scolar who mastered the various branches of religious sciences. Such as <em>tafsîr</em>, <em>h</em><em>}adîth</em>, <em>fiqh</em>, <em>us</em><em>}ûl al-fiqh</em>, history, science of <em>kalâm</em>, philosophy, <em>balâghah</em>, <em>mant</em>}<em>iq</em> etc. the main issue in this article is how political thought in the book of tafsir <em>Fath</em><em> al-Qadîr</em> is the work of Shawkânî. At the end of article, the authors found that the intended political thinking in the study of <em>Fath</em><em> al-Qadîr</em> is about constitutional ideas. These ideas about the constitution is limited to the concept of leadership and deliberation, the concept of the right of citizen to obtain justice, and the concept pf the right of citizens to live association and assembly


Sapere Aude ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 157-171
Author(s):  
Vital Francisco Celestino Alves

Na filosofia de Jean-Jacques Rousseau encontramos diversos elogios a modelos políticos oriundos da Antiguidade (Esparta e Roma), assim como outros elogios à República de Genebra. A esse último modelo, o pensador dedica a obra Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens. Entretanto, até que ponto se pode afirmar que a ordenação política genebrina influenciou e contribuiu para a formação do pensamento político de Rousseau? Tendo essa questão como eixo central e objetivando produzir uma reflexão sobre a Genebra de Rousseau, o presente artigo pretende: primeiro, descrever como era a ordem política genebrina; segundo, tratar da relação entre Rousseau e Genebra; e, por último, correlacionar a posição que ocupa a cidade natal do autor com os seus escritos políticos apresentados na Dedicatória e no Contrato social e examinar a consistência das três principais linhas interpretativas que relacionam Genebra à filosofia política de Rousseau.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Rousseau. República de Genebra. Relação.ABSTRACTIn the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau we find several compliments to political models coming from Antiquity (Sparta and Rome), as well as other compliments to the Republic of Geneva. To this last model, the thinker dedicates the work Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men. However, to what extent can one affirm that the political order of Geneva influenced and contributed to the formation of Rousseau's political thought? With this question as the central axis and aiming to produce a reflection on Rousseau's Geneva, the present article aims to: first, describe the Genevan political, second, deal with Rousseau's relationship with Geneva, and, finally, correlate the position the author's hometown occupies with his political writings presented in the Dedication and the Social Contract and examine the consistency of the three main interpretive lines relating Geneva to Rousseau's political philosophy.KEYWORDS: Rousseau. Republic of Geneva. Relationship.


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