scholarly journals Disease control and border lockdown at the EU’s internal borders during Covid-19 pandemic: the case of Finland

Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-102
Author(s):  
J. Virkkunen

The article discusses the lockdown of the EU’s internal borders during the Covid-19 pandemic in Finland. Special attention is paid to bordering as a means of disease control and the governments’ aim to “protect the population and secure functions of society”. Not only did the government restrict flights and ‘non-essential’ travel from non-Schengen countries such as Russia, China and Thailand but, with some exceptions, it also restricted travel-to-work commuting and everyday cross-border encounters between Finland and its Schengen neighbours of Sweden, Norway and Estonia. The restrictions hampered tourism and migrant-dependent industries as well as complicated the lives of migrants’ families. While the lockdown of the Estonian and Russian border does not cause any debates in Finnish society, the closure of the Finnish-Swedish border that has been completely open since the 1950s and the new regime led to a debate of citizens’ constitutional rights and to civil disobedience that materialised in semi-legal border crossings.

2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110031
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Petre ◽  
David Haldane Lee

In 2011, “What’s Cooking, Uncle Sam? The Government’s Effect on the American Diet” (WCUS) was exhibited at the Lawrence F. O’Brien Gallery of the National Archives Building in Washington, DC. Afterward, it toured the country, visiting the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) David J. Sencer Museum in Atlanta, the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, and the Kansas Museum of History in Topeka. The exhibition website states that WCUS was “made possible” by candy corporation Mars, Incorporated. WCUS featured over a 100 artifacts tracing “the Government’s effect on what Americans eat.” Divided into four thematic sections (Farm, Factory, Kitchen, and Table), WCUS moves from agrarianism, through industrial food production and into mess halls, cafeterias, and individual kitchens. Photos, documents, news clippings, and colorful propaganda posters portray the government as a benevolent supporter of agriculture, feeder of soldiers and children, and protector of consumer health and safety. Visitors are positioned as citizens in an ideological mélange of paternalism and patriotism. In this rhetorical walk-through of the exhibition, we consider the display of archival materials for purposes of positioning, in consideration of past and present issues of diet and governance. Making explicit unstated assumptions, we claim that, although propagandistic artifacts take on different meanings to those viewing them decades later as memorabilia, they maintain their ideological flavor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110000
Author(s):  
Eeva-Kaisa Prokkola

The past decade has witnessed a shift from “open borders” policies and cross-border cooperation towards heightened border securitization and the building of border walls. In the EU context, since the migration influx of 2015–2016, many Member States have retained the re-instituted Schengen border controls intended to be temporary. Such heightened border securitization has produced high levels of anxiety among various populations and increased societal polarization. This paper focuses on the processes underpinning asylum seeker reception at the re-bordered Finnish-Swedish border and in the Finnish border town of Tornio. The asylum process is studied from the perspective of local authorities and NGO actors active in the everyday reception, care and control practices in the border securitization environment enacted in Tornio in 2015. The analysis highlights how the ‘success’ of everyday reception work at the Tornio border crossing was bound to the historical openness of the border and pre-existing relations of trust and cooperation between different actors at various scales. The paper thus provides a new understanding of the significance of borders and border crossings from the perspective of resilience and highlights some of the paradoxes of border securitization. It notes that although border closures are commonly envisioned as a direct response to forced migration, the everyday practices and capacities of the asylum reception at the Finnish-Swedish border are themselves highly dependent on pre-existing border crossings and cross-border cooperation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


2021 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 92-100
Author(s):  
Оleksandr Makarenko ◽  
◽  
Nataliia Makarenko ◽  

The main scientific and practical results of the analysis of the legitimacy of the actions of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine during the introduction of anti-epidemic measures to combat the COVID-19 pandemic are presented. The peculiarities of exercising the Constitutional rights of citizens and the possibility of restricting them in a lawful manner, the risks of corruption as a result of the introduction of certain restrictions by the government and the creation of grounds for abuse of power and official duties have been studied. It is proposed to introduce a compensation mechanism for business entities to minimize financial losses and mitigate the tax burden at the local government level, as well as options for legal regulation of the relevant activities of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine as a central executive body. Established that in the current legislation, namely in the Constitution of Ukraine, there is only one way to restrict the rights of citizens who can only be implemented through a mechanism for adopting a special law or amendments to the current laws. It is proved that to ensure effective and transparent administrativelegal regulation of state regulatory policy during the implementation of anti-epidemic measures to combat the COVID-19 requires the improvement of individual laws and subordination regulations that will in detail the activities of representatives of power and law enforcement agencies during detection and fixing offenses, otherwise it will create the basis for the emergence of corruption relations and commit criminal offenses with simultaneous leveling of the effectiveness of anti-epidemic measures. According to the authors, it is advisable to predict the need for automatic introduction of certain compensation measures at the level of regions, subject to the introduction (continuation or introduction) of anti-epidemic measures to combat the COVID-19. It is confirmed that in the event of improving the relevant legal acts, the risk of corrupt legal relations will be reduced, increased quality of state regulatory policy during the introduction of anti-epidemic measures to combat the COVID-19 and created universal compensation measures for small and medium-sized businesses that will be able to quickly and effectively applied in a country's scale.


Author(s):  
Nadiia Kobetska

The presented paper is aimed at substantiating the formal and legal grounds for the introduction of restrictions on human rights in the battle against the spread of COVID-19 in Ukraine. The analysis of restrictive measures introduced by the Government of Ukraine is conducted by the author on the basis of their interpretation and comparison of Ukrainian legislative acts that define the legal regimes of quarantine, an emergency situation and a state of emergency. The author analyzes the problematic legislative provisions that formed the basis for the introduction of quarantine measures and an emergency situation in Ukraine and established restrictions on the implementation of a number of the constitutional rights of citizens. The article substantiates the conclusion on the constitutionality and legality of restrictions on human rights under a state of emergency, which was not introduced in Ukraine.


2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason West ◽  
Robert Harrison

Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS) border safety inspection facilities (BSIF) have been in operation, in temporary and permanent forms, since 2001. This paper presents inspection results on trucks inspected at Texas BSIFs from 2003 to 2006, comprising over 326,000 vehicle inspection records. Analysis indicated that Mexico domiciled trucks have lower out-of-service rates than U.S. trucks at most Texas/Mexico border crossings. This finding is noteworthy since border (drayage) vehicles are older on average than typical Texas highway trucks and counters the opinion that trucks from Mexico are unsafe and therefore should not be allowed to enter the U.S.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Greg Castillo

Aboriginal Australian contemporary artists create works that express indigenous traditions as well as the unprecedented conditions of global modernity. This is especially true for the founders of the Spinifex Arts Project, a collective established in 1997 to create so-called “government paintings”: the large-scale canvases produced as documents of land tenure used in negotiations with the government of Western Australia to reclaim expropriated desert homelands. British and Australian nuclear testing in the 1950s displaced the Anangu juta pila nguru, now known to us as the Spinifex people, from their nomadic lifeworld. Exodus and the subsequent struggle to regain lost homelands through paintings created as corroborating evidence for native title claims make Spinifex canvases not simply expressions of Tjukurpa, or “Dreamings,” but also artifacts of the atomic age and its impact on a culture seemingly far from the front lines of cold war conflict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Midori Ogasawara

Japan’s ultra-right wing government, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe since 2012, has been enforcing a number of controversial laws, such as the Secrecy Act and Security Act, which have enhanced surveillance and militarism. Without changing the Constitution, these laws allow the government to undermine the constitutional rights for individuals. The Conspiracy Law, Abe’s next attempt, focuses on placing people’s everyday communications under scrutiny. Against the modern principal of criminal justice, this law criminalizes the communications regarding crimes, without any criminal actions. Due to its extensively invasive character, the bill has been cancelled three times in the Diet in the past decade, but Abe insists that it is necessary for a successful running of 2020 Olympic in Tokyo as an anti-terror measure. While the Olympic gives the authoritarian government the best opportunity to incite nationalism and stabilize the rule, as the Nazi performed in 1936, surveillance comes forth to eliminate both public and private communications that question, criticize or counter the legitimacy of state power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2018 ◽  
pp. vii-xxii
Author(s):  
RAHEEM Oluwafunminiyi

AbstractThe Centre for Black Culture and International Understanding (CBCIU) was established on 7 January 2009. Located behind the Osun State Secretariat, southwest Nigeria, the CBCIU prides itself on being the inheritor of the archival estate of Ulli Beier, the late German connoisseur and African culture enthusiast. Housed in its Archive and Documentation Room/Unit, this repository contains very rich archival materials that include over 700 photographs with carefully preserved negatives and slides all dating back to the 1950s, 1960s and early 1970s, and thousands of works of literature published between 1921 and the 2000s on virtually all aspects of Yoruba art, culture, philosophy and intellectual history. Based on fieldwork conducted at the CBCIU in 2018 and 2019, this study embarks on three mutually-connected transactions. First, it examines Ulli Beier's ‘cultural border-crossings’ into Yorubaland, particularly in Osogbo, southwest Nigeria, where his diverse cultural interactions facilitated the revival of a diminishing culture. Second, the study discusses the genesis of the CBCIU dating back to Ulli Beier's emergence in Nigeria in 1950. Third, it analyses what it means for the CBCIU to inherit an invaluable material legacy. This is done by giving an account of the inventories and a summary of the holdings in the Archives. While the Archive forms the very nucleus of what the CBCIU stands for, I argue that this agency serves as a worthy inheritor of a material legacy that continually seeks cultural relevance and perpetuity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 133-158
Author(s):  
Zhihua Shen ◽  
Yafeng Xia

Making use of Chinese Foreign Ministry archives and provincial and municipal archives, this article traces the history of cross-border migration of ethnic Koreans from 1950 to 1962, especially the illegal migration of ethnic Koreans to North Korea (DPRK) in 1961. A historical examination of Koreans in northeast China demonstrates that the Chinese Communist Party attempted to achieve a workable policy toward Korean border crossers as well as a disposition to accommodate the DPRK's concerns and imperatives in defining nationality, handling cases of Sino-Korean marriages and exit procedures for ethnic Koreans, receiving Korean nationals to visit China, and dealing with cases of illegal border crossings. To this end, the Chinese authorities were pursuing larger Cold War interests, specifically the desire to keep the DPRK aligned with China during the Sino-Soviet split.


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