scholarly journals An Analysis on Misconception of Fiqh Jihad by Religious Extremist Group

Author(s):  
Muhd Imran Abd Razak ◽  
Mohd Anuar Ramli ◽  
Nurul Hidayah Abd Aziz ◽  
Mohd Farhan Abd Rahman ◽  
Nurul Khairiah Khalid ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 234-263
Author(s):  
ASMAA RASHEED ◽  

In June 2014, fighters belonging to an extremist group calling itself (ISIS) and nicknamed (ISIS) invaded the city of Mosul, the second largest Iraqi governorate, and announced the establishment of the Islamic Islamic Caliphate, which lasted until 2017. ISIS's control spread values related to the isolation of women and a hierarchical vision of the relationship between the sexes that works to reinforce and consecrate male domination and places women in a lower position. Several mechanisms have been adopted with the aim of returning women to the private sphere and keeping them at home, including the imposition of legal dress and preventing women from going out except with a mahram, and the rule of hisbah and penalties. The current study aims to provide an understanding of the laws and ideology governing gender relations within societies that ISIS has controlled for more than two years. It addresses three main issues, including the harassment of women, the attempt to control their bodies, and the monitoring and punishment mechanisms that were practiced on women. And the roles of women in societies dominated by the organization, and the issue of marriage. The study relied on testimonies and interviews conducted with a number of women who lived through ISIS rule in Mosul, Salah al-Din and Fallujah. In addition to reports issued by international organizations and documents published on the Internet and news circulated, which gave the information obtained more reliability. Key words: Iraq, ISIS, women, isolation, punishment, roles, marriage


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (42) ◽  
pp. e2105570118
Author(s):  
Graeme Blair ◽  
Rebecca Littman ◽  
Elizabeth R. Nugent ◽  
Rebecca Wolfe ◽  
Mohammed Bukar ◽  
...  

The reintegration of former members of violent extremist groups is a pressing policy challenge. Governments and policymakers often have to change minds among reticent populations and shift perceived community norms in order to pave the way for peaceful reintegration. How can they do so on a mass scale? Previous research shows that messages from trusted authorities can be effective in creating attitude change and shifting perceptions of social norms. In this study, we test whether messages from religious leaders—trusted authorities in many communities worldwide—can change minds and shift norms around an issue related to conflict resolution: the reintegration of former members of violent extremist groups. Our study takes place in Maiduguri, Nigeria, the birthplace of the violent extremist group Boko Haram. Participants were randomly assigned to listen to either a placebo radio message or to a treatment message from a religious leader emphasizing the importance of forgiveness, announcing the leader’s forgiveness of repentant fighters, and calling on followers to forgive. Participants were then asked about their attitudes, intended behaviors, and perceptions of social norms surrounding the reintegration of an ex–Boko Haram fighter. The religious leader message significantly increased support for reintegration and willingness to interact with the ex-fighter in social, political, and economic life (8 to 10 percentage points). It also shifted people’s beliefs that others in their community were more supportive of reintegration (6 to 10 percentage points). Our findings suggest that trusted authorities such as religious leaders can be effective messengers for promoting peace.


Author(s):  
Naomi A. Moland

Chapter 1 introduces the book by discussing the key dilemmas that arose during the creation of Sesame Square, the Nigerian version of Sesame Street. It outlines the program’s goals to teach tolerance and peaceful coexistence to Nigerian children and the challenges of promoting these goals in the Nigerian context. This chapter introduces two dilemmas that form the central arguments of the book: first, that multicultural education and celebrating diversity can inadvertently exacerbate stereotypes; and second, that a violent and unjust context can undermine tolerance messages. This chapter reviews historical, political, and cultural aspects of the Nigerian context, including the rise of the extremist group Boko Haram, whose name means “Western education is forbidden.” It also explores what the United States government (which funds Sesame Square) believes the program might do to build stability, peace, and American goodwill in Nigeria. The chapter closes by previewing the content of the following chapters.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-70
Author(s):  
Abdulmalik Mohammad Abdullah Eissa

This article presents an overview of Yemeni society before proceeding to a detailed account of research undertaken by the author into the factors behind the rise of Islamic extremism in Yemen and its appeal, especially among the young and most deprived sectors of society. The author draws on and relates his findings to a number of theoretical works, including those of authorities such as Max Weber as well as more recent analysts, in a discussion of what drives extremist group formation and what attracts their adherents, in general terms and in Yemen in particular. The findings of a survey of public opinion in Yemen conducted by the author are recounted in some detail.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdallah Abdallah

In the last two decades, violent extremism has become the center of attention for the world. The 9/11 attack in New York which devastated the World Trade Center (WTC) twin towers were a “big bang” for the violence phenomena triggered by the existence of radical religious ideas. The tragedy carried out by the al-Qaeda extremist group triggered tension in many countries which at some level it gave birth to the symptoms of a so-called called “Islamophobia”—a religious perspective that sees Islam as the estuary of violence. That dark event, then, has signaled a new chapter in the portrait of global diversity.Since then, violent extremism phenomena have been increasingly affecting the Southeast Asian region. Bali Bombing I (2002), Bali Bombing II (2005), attacks on the Ahmadiya group in Cikeusik, Banten (2011), Sunni conflicts with Shia community in Sampang, Madura (2013), burning of churches in Singkil, Aceh and burning of mosques in Tolikara, Papua (2015), the bombing on Thamrin Street, Jakarta (2016) and the suicide bombings in three churches in Surabaya (2018) have shown us that violent extremism was a bitter experience for Indonesia. This gives a gloomy representation for the essence of religious understanding that rests on the idea of raḥmatan li al-‘ālamīn—becoming a blessing for the entire universe. Also, the phenomena have alarmed us to be cautious and worry about threats on Indonesianism that upholds diversity.


Subject Jihadi threats in Burkina Faso. Significance After excessive delays in responding forcefully to jihadi militants, the Burkinabe government is strengthening its military presence in the most vulnerable provinces along the northern border with Mali and Niger. The decision in early 2017 to adopt a more offensive posture was prompted in part by the emergence of Burkina Faso’s first domestic extremist group, Ansarul Islam. However, local communities’ fear of the jihadists and skepticism towards the authorities will make it imperative for the government to win both their confidence and active collaboration. Impacts The terrorism threat will hasten specialist army training and armaments to operate against small, mobile opponents. Demands for an emergency development programme for the north will gain momentum across the political spectrum. The recent successful hosting of the FESPACO pan-African film festival could prompt a boost in tourism numbers, if attacks are contained.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Thomas Just

Since reunification in 1990, the German government has taken numerous steps to counter antisemitism and improve its relations with the Jewish community more broadly. Its approach has consisted primarily of two parts: antiradicalization legal measures and public diplomacy. In terms of legal measures, Germany has banned hate speech and incitement, adjusted immigration policy for Jews, and granted Judaism full legal status. In terms of public diplomacy, Germany has created a network of both governmental and non-governmental organizations to counter antisemitic attitudes within domestic society and to demonstrate progress abroad. This article examines these facets of the German approach, evaluates its success through an analysis of extremist group membership and survey data measuring antisemitic attitudes, and discusses some evolving challenges to which the approach must adapt.


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