scholarly journals Dantes kristne universalisme og islam: Dante og den europæiske identitet

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (108) ◽  
pp. 40-57
Author(s):  
Leonardo Cecchini

Dante’s Christian Universalism and Islam:During the years 2001-2004, when the establishment of a Constitution for Europe was on the EU’s agenda, the suggestion to include a reference to the ‘Christian roots’ of Europe in the Constitution’s Preamble lead to an animated debate. Some Italian Catholic intellectuals (Anna Maria Chiavacci, Giuseppe Reale) took part in the debate and used Dante to illustrate the essential significance of Christianity in the European culture, thereby involving themselves in this debate. Referring to T.S. Eliot’s famous quote (»the culture of Dante was not of one European country but of Europe«), they claimed that Dante’s work was one of the greatest expressions of a Christian European cultural identity which took form in the Middle Ages and drew impulse from a synthesis of the two great Mediterranean cultural traditions: the Greek-Roman and the Jewish-Christian; a cultural identity they identified tout court with our present ‘European’ or ‘Western’ culture. It is worth observing that Chiavacci and Reale did not mention in their narrative the third great Mediterranean cultural tradition (especially in the Middle Ages) of Islam and its own likely contribution to the ‘European’ civilization. In my paper, I wish to contribute to the understanding of how Dante represents ‘Europe’ and ‘Islam’ in his work. My suggestion is that in Dante’s work we can neither find an idea of a Europe (or ‘West’) as separated or superior to other continents nor an orientalized image of the Orient as claimed by Edward Said. On the contrary, Dante considers ‘Europe’ as a metaphor for an ideal universal Christian community (with strong eschatological features), that is a community that potentially includes the whole of humanity.As few other intellectuals in the Middle Ages, Dante’s attitude to Islamic culture is primarily assimilative; he does not include but assimilates Arabian culture and philosophy to the extent that they have contributed to Christian thinking. As a good medieval Christian, Dante is hostile to Islam just because he looks at it as a heretical or schismatic version of Christianity (and therefore assimilated to his own faith), not as ‘another’ religion.

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 253
Author(s):  
Dariusz Seweryn

From certain point of view a desperate defense of an aesthetic doctrine of classicism, undertaken by Jan Śniadecki, a Polish mathematician and astronomer of the eighteenth century, resembles the E. R. Curtius’ thesis on “Latinism” as a universal factor integrating European culture; it may be stated that post-Stanislavian classical writers in Poland were driven by the same “concern for the preservation of Western culture” which motivated Ernst Robert Curtius in the times of the Third Reich and after its collapse. But the noble-minded intentions were in both cases grounded on similarly distorted perspective, which ensued from a mistificatory attitude towards a non-Latin heritage of the European culture. The range of that mystification or delusion has been fully revealed by findings made by modern so-called new comparative mythology/philology. Another aspect of the problem is an uniform model of the Middle Ages, partially correlated with the Enlightenment-based stereotype of “the dark Middle Ages”, which despite of its anachronism existed in literary studies for a surprisingly long period of time. Although the Romantic Movement of 18th – 19th centuries has been quite correctly acknowledged as an anti-Latinistic upheaval, its real connections with certain traditions of Middle Ages still remain not properly understood. Some concepts concerning Macpherson’s The Works of ossian, put forward by modern ethnology, may yield clues to the research on the question. As suggested by Joseph Falaky Nagy, Macpherson’s literary undertaking may by looked into as a parallel to Acallam na Senórach compiled in Ireland between 11th and 13th centuries: in both cases to respond to threats to the Gaelic culture there arose a literary monument and compendium of the commendable past with the core based on the Fenian heroic tradition that was the common legacy for the Irish and Highlanders. Taking into consideration some other evidence, it can be ascertained that Celtic and Germanic revival initiated in the second half of 18th century was not only one of the most important impulses for the Romantic Movement, but it was also, in a sense, an actual continuation of the efforts of mediaeval writers and compilers (Geoffrey of Monmouth, Snorri Sturluson, Saxo Grammaticus, anonymous compilers of Lebor gabála Érenn and Acallam, Wincenty Kadłubek), who would successfully combine Latin, i.e. classical, and ecclesiastical erudition with a desire to preserve and adapt in a creative way their own “pagan” and “barbarian” legacy. A special case of this (pre)Romantic revival concerns Slavic cultures, in particular the Polish one. Lack of source data on the oldest historical and cultural tradition of Slavic languages, especially in the Western region, and no record about Slavic tradition in highbrow literary culture induced two solutions: the first one was a production of philological forgeries (like Rukopis královédvorský and Rukopis zelenohorský), the second one was an attempt to someway reconstruct that lost heritage. Works of three Romantic historians, W. Surowiecki, W. A. Maciejowski, F. H. Lewestam, shows the method. Seemingly contradicting theories they put forward share common ground in aspects which are related to the characteristics of the first Slavic societies: a sense of being native inhabitants, pacifism, rich natural resources based on highly-effective agriculture, dynamic demography, a flattened social hierarchy and physical prowess. The fact of even greater importance is that the image of that kind has the mythological core, the circumstance which remains hitherto unnoticed. Polish historians not only tended to identify historical ancient Slavs with mythical Scandinavian Vanir (regarding it obvious), but also managed to recall the great Indo-European theme of ”founding conflict” (in Dumézilian terms), despite whole that mythological model being far beyond the horizon of knowledge at that time. Despite all anachronisms, lack of knowledge and instrumental involvement in aesthetic, political or religious ideology, Romanticism really started the restitution of the cultural legacy of the Middle Ages, also in domain of linguistic and philological research. The consequences of that fact should be taken into account in literary history studies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 295-296
Author(s):  
Peter Pabisch

Abstract The three scholarly works of recent years illuminate the versatility of their main editor Albrecht Classen in the interdisciplinary world of comparative studies, in literature and language studies. Together with his colleague Eva Parra-Membrives he offers insights on trivial literature also in view of bestsellers concerning the first two works under discussion here. The third work on multilingualism in the middle ages he edited alone. For all the works he found an impressive number of contributors who fill the chalice of offerings in a most versatile canon of topics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S2) ◽  
pp. 284-302
Author(s):  
Iryna Yu Konovalova

The article is devoted to comprehension of specifics and formation prerequisites of composer’s and musical authorship phenomena historical formation in European culture of the Middle Ages. Genesis of composer’s phenomenon and individual musical authorship model is considered on the basis of historical, socio-cultural and aesthetic-artistic transformations, on awareness about their dynamic’s tendencies and general cultural institutionalization of an authorship phenomenon, as well as on an increasing role of individual creativity in an artistic realm. It is stated that multi-ethnic and anonymous culture of oral tradition, folklore and Christian singing practices, as well as instrumental improvisation’s traditions, became spiritual sources of this phenomena and turn into a strong foundation of musical professionalism and creative impulse for European authorial music evolution. It is emphasized that process of composer’s formation as a creativity subject and musical professionalism carrier was stimulated by the necessity of everyday vocal-choral practice, conditioned by the spiritual context of time, by intention on theocentric world’s picture and religious – Christian outlook dominance. Significant role of secular direction development in the context of music-author’s discourse formation and composer’s figure assertion in the late Middle Ages is highlighted. 


Traditio ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Teresa Tavormina

A few histories of the middle ages mention mathematics, and a few histories of mathematics mention the middle ages.In his discussion of the Third Commandment, the author ofDives and Pauperraises the question, “Why wolde God makyn þe world mor in þe numbre of sexe dayys þan in ony oþer numbre of dayys?” Like many commentators in the hexameral tradition, he answers the question by referring to one of the mathematical properties of the number six:PAUPER. For, as Salomon seith, God made alle þinge in numbre, whyte & in mesure [Wisdom 11:21]. He made no þing to mychil, no þing to lytil, but he made eueryþing perfyth in his kende and endyd al hys warkys in perfythnesse; and for þat þe numbre of sexe is þe firste numbre efne þat is perfyth, þerfor he mad al þe world in þe numbre of sexe dayys.


1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Thomas H Connolly

Heading the list of horizons unexplored when my study of the cult of St Cecilia appeared in 1995 was a strong suspicion that music's mysterious patroness sprang from a Jewish milieu, and that traces of Jewish influence persisted in her cult well into the Middle Ages. But the evidence was cloudy, and no discussion of my suspicion found its way into the book beyond the bare statement that Cecilia may have belonged to an early Jewish-Christian community.1Now that the evidence is clearer, and the suspicion better founded, it is time to set forth that evidence. I do so here, and at the outset point to my brief corollary suggesting that if indeed Jewish-Christian influence persisted in Rome rather longer than is generally supposed, then we need to think in a new way about the origins of Western chant. Rather than thinking simply about transfer from Synagogue to Church, we should ponder what might have happened within communities that were in some sense churches and synagogues at the same time.


2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-330
Author(s):  
Steffen Dix

AbstractIn recent years the study of local religious histories, especially in Europe, has gained in prominence. Because of the encounters between different cultural traditions in the Middle Ages and the voyages of discovery, the religious history of the Iberian Peninsula became one of the most complex in Europe. This article focuses on one portion of this history around the turn of the 19th/20th century, and in particular on two attempts to blame the Catholic religion for the general crisis in Spain and Portugal at the start of the modern era. These two forms of critiquing religion are illustrated by the examples of Miguel de Unamuno and Antero de Quental, whose writings were characteristic of the typical relationship between religion and intellectuals in this period. Not only were the Spanish philosopher and the Portuguese poet influential on their own and later generations, but they are also truly representative of a certain tragic ”loss“ of religion in the Iberian Peninsula.


1969 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Subhi Y. Labib

He who looks for the term “capitalism” in the Islamic sources of the Middle Ages will look in vain. On the other hand, the term “capital” has been known since the beginning of Islamic culture. Even in the Holy Book of Islam, in the Sūrat al-Baḳara, the idea of capital appears in connection with trade, business, and the illicit practice of loaning for profit—usury. “O you who believe, keep your duty to Allah and relinquish what remains [due] from usury, if you are believers. But if you do [it] not, then be apprised of war from Allah and His messenger; and if you repent, then you shall have your capital. Wrong not, and you shall not be wronged.” In the same Sūrah God forbids usury but not Bai', trading, or buying. At another place God's commands clear the way for investments. “O you who believe, devour not your property among yourselves by illegal methods, although you may engage in trading by mutual consent. And kill not your people. Surely Allah is merciful to you.”The Islamic merchant tried to follow this system of ethics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (33) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Hatmansyah Hatmansyah

The Umayyah dynasty became a major force in the development of propaganda spread throughout the world as well as being one of the first centers of political, cultural and scientific studies in the world since the Middle Ages. At the height of its greatness, its success in expanding Islamic power was far greater than that of the Roman empire. The history of Islamic preaching in the Umayyah Dynasty can be divided into two periods in the dynasty era in Damascus and in Cordoba. Islamic da'wah at this time was carried out in three stages, first the expansion of the da'wah area, the second was the development of science and the third was economic thought.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer Kühne

Adolf Schulten suggested that Tartessos-Tarshish was the model for Plato's Atlantis. I argued that its capital was situated in what is now the Marisma de Hinojos within the central part of the Andalucian Donana National Park in south-west Spain. This article reports about the preliminary results of an archaeological expedition to test this theory. The preliminary results of the expedition include evidence of either a tsunami or a storm flood during the third millenium BC and evidence of human settlements from the Neolithic Age to the Middle Ages.


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