scholarly journals Think tank scene in Finland: Nothing spectacular?

Politik ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotta Lounasmeri

This article discusses the think tank scene in Finland and the modest role think tanks seem to play in public debate. In 2005, the first Finnish think tanks associated with political parties were established, and since then, several new ones have popped up. Until now, they have not received substantial media attention. One notable exception is the traditional Finnish Business and Policy Forum (EVA) that was founded in the 1970s and has secured a position as a credible public discussant. However, in light of the great popularity of think tanks in the other Nordic countries, even the public attention granted to EVA seems modest. The article presents empirical results of a media analysis and discusses possible reasons for the lesser visibility.

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 46-58
Author(s):  
Sun Pinjie ◽  

This research analyzes the functions of university think-tanks from the perspective of the Chinese government, in particular their role in generating knowledge for governmental decision-making. It also reveals the achievements and problems of the development model of Chinese university think-tanks. Methodologically, this study relies on analysis and interpretation of the key policy documents of the Chinese government, the public information of some university think-tanks and the research results and data of professional think-tank research institutions. The study found that the Chinese government is trying to incorporate university think-tanks into the «Holistic Knowledge» production link and thus turn them into professional decision-making knowledge supply institutions. As a result, Chinese university think-tanks will perform the role of t bridges between academic knowledge production and generation of knowledge for the government’s decision-making, ensuring the necessary flexibility between these two processes. However, the drawback of such policy is that it limits the autonomy of university think-tanks and their social influence.


Al-Albab ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibnu Mujib Mujib ◽  
Irwan Abdullah ◽  
Heru Nugroho

This paper highlights the perspective of dialog in the negotiation of Aceh identity. If observed, the context of the tsunami followed by the development of Aceh is not without impact at all on the Acehnese entity, but in fact it has triggered a strong clash especially between local identities and influences of global construction. Among the important things offered in this paper is an attempt to reproduce and create “public space” as a productive social capital, that is, a space that is expected to build an atmosphere of openness, egalitarianism, inclusivism of many diverse groups. Therefore, in responding to the wider variety of cultural plurality which penetrates through ethnic clusters, religions, political parties, and all forms of interests, it can be managed through the deliberations of dialog. Therefore, the “public space” that can serve to discuss, hold dialog, and even negotiate the clash of the Acehnese identity forms the modus operandi of the discussion of this article, especially in the context of the development of Aceh that is currently taking place. Keywords: Islam, locality, globality, public space, dialog, negotiation of identity, diversity of Islamic groups, the other.


Author(s):  
Hartwig Pautz

The study of think tanks brings together a range of academic disciplines and allows for multifaceted analyses, encompassing the concepts of ideas, institutions, influence, interests, and power. The literature on think tanks addresses a ubiquitous policy actor as think tanks have been around for a long time, especially in advanced liberal democracies. However, they have also become established actors in authoritarian regimes and in the developing world. Nowhere is their influence on policymaking or the public debate easy to pinpoint. The definition of a think tank has been contested ever since the study of think tanks took off in the 1980s and 1990s. Some scholars have devised typologies around organizational form and output, with a focus on whether think tanks are openly partisan or rather emphasize their political and ideological neutrality; others propose that the think tank is not so much a clearly discernible organizational entity but rather should be seen as a set of activities that can be conducted by a broad range of organizations; others again see think tanks as hybrid boundary organizations operating at the interstices of different societal fields. What most scholars will agree on is that policy expertise is think tanks’ main output, that they seek to influence policymakers and the wider public, and that they try to do so via informal and formal channels and by making use of their well-connected position in often transnational policy networks encompassing political parties, interest groups, corporations, international organizations, civil society organizations, and civil service bureaucracies. Think tanks’ main output, policy expertise either in the form of concrete proposals or “blue-skies thinking,” is underpinned by claims that it is “evidence-based.” The widely used positivist notion of “evidence-based policymaking” has been of benefit to think tanks as organizations that claim to “speak truth to power” by producing easily digestible outputs aimed at policymakers who profess to want evidence to make policy “that works.” Think tanks are active at different “moments” in the policymaking process. John Kingdon’s agenda-setting theory of the multiple streams framework helps us understand think tanks as “policy entrepreneurs” who are most likely to have influence during the moments of problem framing, the search for policy solutions, and the promotion of specific solutions to policymakers and the public. Think tank studies should take into account the relationship between the media and think tanks, and how this relationship impacts on whether think tanks succeed in agenda-setting and, thereby, influence policymaking. The relationship is symbiotic: journalists use think tanks to inform their work or welcome their contribution in the form of an opinion piece, while think tanks use the media to air their ideas. This relationship is not without problems, as some think tanks are in privileged positions with regards to media access while others barely ever cross the media threshold. Think tanks are, in the 21st century, challenged by an “epistemic crisis.” This crisis consists of a loss of faith in experts and of information pollution and information overload. This development is both a risk and an opportunity for think tanks. Concerning the latter, policymakers increasingly need curators, arbiters, or filters to help them decide which information, data, and policy expertise to use in their decision-making processes.


Politik ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helene Pristed Nielsen

Taking its theoretical starting point in the feminist criticism of Habermas ́ conception of the public sphere, the article illustrates on the basis of empirical material how 14 Danish opinion-makers talk about gender equality and cultural diversity. The statements by prominent members of Danish political parties, think tanks, social movements and editorial boards of national dailies are analysed in an intersectional perspective, which seeks to illuminate different conceptions of cross-cutting forms of diversity within Danish society. The conclusion is that gender equality is often voiced as both a Danish and a European value, whereas there are ambiguous statements about to what extent there is a connection between gender equality and perceptions of Islam as either a religion or a culture. 


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-769 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna Hornig Priest

Regulatory oversight and public communication are intimately intertwined. Oversight failures, both actual and perceived, quickly galvanize attention from both the media and the public, as has occasionally happened in all of the historical cases with which this symposium is concerned — gene therapy, workplace chemicals, drugs and devices, and genetically modified organisms (GMOs), especially those used as (or in) foods. Some developments, such as GMOs, seem to have more cultural significance or “cultural resonance” than others and are especially likely to garner public attention. Developments in nanotechnology, on the other hand, do not seem to have captured as much popular attention. However, the accelerating convergence between nanotechnology as material science and biotechnology, health, and medicine could easily change this situation.


2002 ◽  
Vol 171 ◽  
pp. 559-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Scot Tanner

The entrepreneurial “second generation” of Chinese policy research institutes (often called think tanks) that emerged during the 1980s played a pivotal role in the policy process of reform. Since Tiananmen, China's growing commercialization is spawning a “third generation” of think tanks characterized by even more ambiguous links to sponsoring leaders and institutions, greatly expanded commercial links, greater exposure to Western theories and techniques, and the gradual emergence of wide-ranging “policy communities.” The extent of this change varies greatly across policy sectors, however. Generational change is evident in China's previously unstudied network of public security (police) think tanks. Though clearly still of the “second generation” variety, these institutes have been in the forefront of importing and incorporating more sophisticated crime-fighting techniques and less class-based and conspiratorial theories of crime and social unrest.


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 491-504
Author(s):  
Scott Cameron

This article provides an evaluation of the design of independent election platform costing in Canada, as established by the Parliament of Canada Act and the operating decisions of the parliamentary budget officer. The author compares the balance struck between serving the interests of the public and the interests of political parties in Canada with the balance struck in the Netherlands and Australia. Although Canada's legislation is tilted in favour of serving political parties, in practice the costing culture that evolved during the 2019 general election raised the level of debate and produced an amount of information comparable to what would be expected of a service designed to favour the public. The article concludes with a discussion of options for expanding the policy-costing service for future elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry G Zaytsev ◽  
Valentina V Kuskova ◽  
Alexandra Kononova

Abstract Studies on foreign policy consider government as the key actor in policy formulation and implementation. Research, apparently, has devoted far less attention to impact of knowledge brokers, such as think tanks, on policy-making. How and why do think tanks influence US foreign policy? An analysis of five think tanks that differ in terms of their proximity to elites, origin, and ideology reveals two types of nonstate actors’ impact on foreign policy. Think tanks either advocate for own alternative policy proposals, solutions, and actions (“alternatives’ facilitators”), or clarify, justify, and legitimize those of the governments (“policy legitimizers”). These two roles dictate special mechanisms and think tank impact directions. In the first type, think tanks are less oriented toward mass media, but more oriented toward coalitions with nonstate actors and influence the opinions of elites. The second type is the opposite: higher orientation toward mass media and more pronounced connections with elites, and influence on the public. Different origins and strategy of think tanks may be the reasons for some observed differences.


2019 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 584-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean J Westwood ◽  
Erik Peterson ◽  
Yphtach Lelkes

Abstract Partisan affective polarization is believed, by some, to stem from vitriolic elite political discourse. We explore this account by replicating several 2014 studies that examine partisan prejudice. Despite claims of elevated partisan affective polarization from pundits, this extensive replication offers no evidence of an increase in the public’s partisan prejudice between 2014 and 2017. Divides in feeling thermometer ratings of the two political parties remained stable, and there was no overall increase in measures of partisan prejudice between periods. This is consistent with results from the 2012 and 2016 ANES. Moreover, the most affectively polarized members of the public became no more likely to hold prejudicial attitudes toward the other party. Despite an intervening campaign with elevated elite hostility and rampant postelection discord, the limits on partisan prejudice identified in prior research remain in place. This stability is important for understanding the nature and malleability of partisan affect.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

Chapter 4 focuses on the key actors who ran communication campaigns during the referendum, aiming to attract media attention for their views. It focuses particularly on the main Yes and No campaigns and the political parties that comprised them, as well as civil society organisations that did not support either outcome but still communicated to the media about issues they felt were significant in the debate. The chapter discusses the frames these participant actors promoted in the public debate. It is based on interviews with communication directors on both sides of the argument and representatives from impartial civil society organisations. It explores how different actors understood and defined what the referendum was about and how these understandings may be organized conceptually into different frames. It looks at similarities, differences and interactions between the frames that different actors proposed and explores whether different sides of the argument had ‘ownership’ over certain frames.


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